The Government Class Book Part 1

The Government Cla.s.s Book.

by Andrew W. Young.

Preface.

The utility of the diffusion of political knowledge among a people exercising the right of self-government, is universally admitted. The form of government established by the people of the United States, though well adapted to promote the general welfare, is highly complicated; and the knowledge requisite to administer it successfully can not be acquired without much study. From the fact that a large portion of the American people are greatly deficient in this knowledge, we may justly conclude that it will never become general, until it shall have been made an object of school instruction.

The administration of the government of this great and rapidly increasing republic, will, in a few years, devolve upon those who are now receiving instruction in the public schools. Yet thousands annually complete their school education, who have never devoted any time to the study of the principles of the government in which they are soon to take a part--who become invested with political power without the preparation necessary to exercise it with discretion. The schools are regarded as the nurseries of our future statesmen. They share largely in the bounty of the state; yet few of them render in return even the rudiments of political science to those who are to become her legislators, and governors, and judges. Not only in the common schools generally, but in a large portion of the high schools and seminaries, this science is not included in the course of instruction.

To many of the most enlightened friends of education and of our free inst.i.tutions, it has long been a matter of surprise as well as regret, that those to whom the educational interests of the states are more immediately intrusted, should so long have treated the study in question as of minor importance, or have suffered it to be excluded by studies of far less practical utility. The Regents of the University of the State of New York have repeatedly noticed the neglect of this study in the academies and seminaries subject to their visitation; and they mention it as a remarkable fact, that in many of them preference is given to the study of the Grecian and Roman antiquities. They say: "The const.i.tutions, laws, manners, and customs of ancient Greece and Rome are made subjects of regular study, quarter after quarter, while our own const.i.tutional jurisprudence, and the every day occurring principles of our civil jurisprudence, are not admitted as a part of the academic course!"

To persons who are to engage in any of the industrial or professional pursuits, a preparatory course of training or discipline is deemed indispensable to success. Yet many a.s.sume the weighty responsibilities of freemen, and allow their sons to do the same, with scarcely any knowledge of a freeman's duties. On the intelligent exercise of political power, the public prosperity and the security of our liberties mainly depend. Every person, therefore, who is ent.i.tled to the rights of a citizen, is justly held responsible for the proper performance of his political duties. And any course of popular instruction which fails to impart a knowledge of our system of government, must be materially defective.

With a view to supply this deficiency, the author, many years since, prepared his "Introduction to the Science of Government." This work soon attained considerable popularity, both as a cla.s.s book in schools, and as a book for private reading and reference for adults. Not being deemed, however, sufficiently _elementary_ for the children and youth in most of our common schools, another work, ent.i.tled, "_First Lessons in Civil Government_," was written to meet the capacities of younger or less advanced scholars than those for whom the previous work was designed.

The favorable reception of these works by the public, and the a.s.surances of their usefulness to thousands who have studied them, are to the author a source of high gratification, and an ample reward for many years of arduous labor. The value of these works has, however, been in a measure impaired by changes in the government and laws since the time of their first publication. The latter, especially, descending so minutely into the details of the government of the state for which alone it is intended, requires frequent revisions.

It has occurred to the author that a new work, more permanent in the character of its matter, and adapted for use in all the states, is demanded to supply the deficiency in the present course of education.

Stimulated by a desire to bear some part in laying a solid foundation for our republican inst.i.tutions, and encouraged by the success of his former labors in this department of education, he has, after a suspension of several years, resumed his efforts in this enterprise, in the hope that, with the cooperation of teachers, and those having official supervision of the schools, it may be carried forward to an early consummation; when the principles of government shall be made a subject of regular study in the schools, and the elements of a sound political education shall be accessible to the ma.s.s of American youth.

And he flatters himself, that the attention he has given to this subject has enabled him to prepare a work adapted, in a good degree, to meet the existing want of the schools.

Many words and phrases, as they occur in the course of the work, have been defined; and an attempt has been made to explain the several subjects in such a manner as to render them intelligible to youth.

The object which it is the purpose of this work to aid in effecting, claims the earnest attention of parents. Every father, at least, is bound to see that his sons have the means of acquiring a good political education. He can not innocently suffer them to pa.s.s from under his guardians.h.i.+p unprepared to discharge their political duties.

The study of this work should not be confined to male pupils. It has long been considered a striking defect in our system of education, that females are not more generally instructed in the principles of civil government, and in matters of business. Although they take no active part in public affairs, the knowledge here commended would enable them to exert a far more powerful and salutary influence upon our national character and destiny. As wives, mothers, teachers, and especially as counselors of the other s.e.x, they could apply this knowledge to valuable purposes. And the question is submitted, whether it would not contribute more to their usefulness than some of those accomplishments which form so large a part of a modern female education, and which are usually lost amidst the cares of married life.

To preserve and transmit the blessings of const.i.tutional liberty, we need a healthful patriotism. But a genuine love of country is hardly to be expected where there is not a proper appreciation of our political inst.i.tutions, which give it its preeminence among nations. And how can they be duly appreciated if they are not understood? It has been one of the objects of the writer to bring to view the chief excellencies of our system of government, and thus to lay, in the minds of youth, the basis of an enlightened and conservative patriotism.

That this work, as an elementary treatise on civil government, is not susceptible of improvement, is not pretended. Such as it is, it is submitted to the judgment of a candid public. If it shall prove in any considerable degree useful, the author's highest expectations will have been realized.

To Teachers.

To the meritorious, though often undervalued labors of the instructors of American youth, is our country greatly indebted for the successful working of its system of free government; and upon the labors of their successors rest, in an equal degree, all well-founded hopes of its future political prosperity.

The general introduction and profitable study of this work, depend much upon a hearty and active cooperation of teachers in the enterprise which it is intended to promote. From all who desire to make themselves in the highest degree useful in their profession, such cooperation is confidently antic.i.p.ated.

The advantage of instructing a cla.s.s in civil government, is not confined to the pupils. The teacher will find the exercise both interesting and profitable to himself. Although pains have been taken to adapt the work to the capacities of youth, the definition of many terms and phrases, and the further explanation of many subjects, have necessarily been left to be supplied by teachers. The study and investigation which may in some cases be required to qualify them for the task, will be amply rewarded by their own advancement in political knowledge.

No intelligent teacher, it is presumed, will object to the introduction of this study, on the ground that there is not sufficient time or room for an additional exercise. Useful as all the branches now taught may be justly deemed, all of them are not, as is a knowledge of government, indispensable to the security of our liberties. The latter is of far greater importance to an American citizen, than a knowledge of some portions of arithmetic and the higher mathematics; and in the opinion of some distinguished educators the time now devoted to these, in many schools, is sufficient to acquire a tolerable political education. It is believed, however, that this study need not exclude, or essentially interfere with, any of the studies pursued in the schools generally. By the more advanced scholars in the common schools, the work may be used as a reading book, and thus a two-fold advantage be gained from its use.

To a.s.sist the more inexperienced teachers in conducting the exercise, a few questions have been appended to the chapters. Questions may be added by the teachers at pleasure, or to such extent as may be thought necessary. And it is believed the recitations may be made more profitable to pupils, by requiring them, so far as may be, to give answers in their own words. To some of the printed questions, no answers are furnished by the chapters and sections referred to, but may be found in the Synopsis of the State Const.i.tutions, or other parts of the work.

Occasionally questions have been inserted to which no part of the work furnishes the answers.

Government Cla.s.s Book.

Principles of Government.

Chapter I.

Mankind fitted for Society, and for Civil Government and Laws.

--1. Mankind are social beings. They are by nature fitted for society. By this we mean that they are naturally disposed to a.s.sociate with each other. Indeed, such is their nature, that they could not be happy without such a.s.sociation. Hence we conclude that the Creator has designed men for society. It can not, therefore, be true, as some say, that the savage state is the natural state of man.

--2. Man is so formed that he is dependent upon his fellow men. He has not the natural strength of other animals. He needs the a.s.sistance of creatures like himself to protect and preserve his own being. We can hardly imagine how a person could procure the necessaries of life without such a.s.sistance. But men have the gifts of reason and speech. By conversation they are enabled to improve their reason and increase their knowledge, and to find methods of supplying their wants, and of improving their social condition.

--3. But, although men need the a.s.sistance of each other, they are so formed that each must have the care of himself. If every man were fed and clothed from a common store, provided by the labor of all, many, depending upon the labor of others, would be less industrious than they now are. By the present arrangement in society, which obliges every man to provide for his own wants, more is earned, a greater number are cared for, and the general welfare is better promoted than would be done if each labored for the benefit of all.

--4. From this arrangement comes the right of property. If each man's earnings should go into a common stock for the use of all, there would be nothing that any one could call his own. But if each is to provide for himself, he must have a right to use and enjoy the fruits of his own labor.

--5. But all men in society have the same rights. Therefore, in laboring to supply our wants, and to gratify our desires, we can not rightfully do so any further than is consistent with the rights of others. Hence we see the necessity of some established rules for securing to every member of society the free enjoyment of what justly belongs to him, and for regulating his conduct toward his fellow-members.

--6. These rules for regulating the social actions of men, are called laws. _Law_, in a general sense, is a rule of action, and is applied to all kinds of action. But in its limited and proper sense, it denotes the rules of human action prescribing what men are to do, and forbidding what they are not to do.

--7. We have seen that man is fitted for society, and that laws are necessary to govern the conduct of men in the social state. We see also that mankind are fitted by nature for government and laws. Man is also a moral being. The word _moral_ has various significations. Sometimes it means only virtuous, or just; as, a moral man; that is, a man of moral character, or who lives a moral life; by which is meant that the conduct of the man is just and right.

--8. But in a wider sense, the word moral relates to the social actions of men, both right and wrong. Thus, in speaking of the character of a man, we say, his morals are good, or his morals are bad. And of an action, we say, it is morally right, or it is morally wrong. Man's having a moral nature implies that he has a sense of right and wrong, or at least the power or faculty of acquiring it; and, being a moral agent, he is accountable for his actions.

--9. Thus we have seen that men are social, reasonable, and moral beings.

They have power to discern their own wants and the wants of their fellow men; to perceive what is right and what is wrong; and to know that they ought to do what is right and to forbear to do what is wrong. Their reason enables them to understand the meaning of laws, and to discover what laws are necessary to regulate the social actions of men. Hence we conclude that they are fitted and designed for society, and for government and law.

--10. The youngest reader probably knows, that in speaking of society, we do not refer to any of those a.s.sociations usually called societies, but to _civil_ society, composed of the people of a state or nation. A _nation_, or _state_, is a large number of persons united under some form of government; as, the French nation; the British nation; or the state of New-York; the state of Virginia. Sometimes it signifies the ruling or governing power of a state or nation, as, the state has provided for educating its citizens, and for supporting the poor.

--11. The object of the people in forming a state a.s.sociation, or, as is sometimes said, of entering into civil society, is to promote their mutual safety and happiness. In uniting for this purpose, they agree to be governed by certain established rules and principles; and the governing of the people of a state or nation according to these rules, is called _civil government_. The word _government_ also signifies the rules and principles themselves by which the people are governed; and sometimes the persons who administer the government--that is those who make the laws of a state and carry them into effect--are called _the government_.

Chapter II.