Historic Highways of America Volume IV Part 2

"It would be endless, Sir, to particularize the numberless Instances of the Want of public and private Faith, and of the most absolute Disregard of all Truth, which I have met with in carrying on of His Majesty's Service on this continent. I cannot avoid adding one or two Instances to what I have already given.

"A Contract made by the Governor of Virginia for 1100 Beeves was laid before me to be delivered in July and August for the subsistence of the Troops, which Contract he had entered into upon the Credit of twenty thousand pounds Currency voted by the a.s.sembly for the Service of the Expedition. Depending upon this I regulated my Convoys accordingly, and a few days since the Contractors inform'd me that the a.s.sembly had refus'd to fulfill the Governors Engagements, and the Contract was consequently void: as it was an Affair of the greatest Importance, I immediately offer'd to advance the Money requir'd by the Terms of the Contract, but this the Contractor rejected, unless I would pay him one third more; and postpone the Delivery of the Beeves two Months, at which time they would have been of no use to me.

"Another Instance is the Agent employ'd in the Province of Maryland for furnis.h.i.+ng their Troops with provision, who delivered it in such Condition that it is all condemn'd upon a Survey, and I have been obliged to replace it by sending to the Distance of an hundred Miles.

"This Behavior in the people does not only produce infinite Difficulty in carrying on His Majesty's Service but also greatly increases the Expense of it, the Charge thereby occasion'd in the Transportation of provision and Stores through an unsettled Country (with which even the Inhabitants of the lower parts are entirely unacquainted) and over a continued succession of Mountains, is many times more than double the original Cost of them; for this reason I am obliged to leave a Quant.i.ty of provision at Alexandria, which would be of great Service to use at this place. The Behaviour of the Governments appears to me to be without excuse, but it may be some Extenuation of the Guilt of the lower Cla.s.s of people, that upon former occasions their a.s.sistance in publick has been ill rewarded, and their payments neglected; the bad Effects of which proceeding we daily experience.

"As I have His Majesty's Orders to establish as much as possible a good understanding with the Indians, I have gathered some from the Frontier of Pennsylvania chiefly of the Six Nations, with whom I have had two or three Conferences, and have given them proper Presents; the Number already with me is about fifty, and I have some hopes of more: Upon my first Arrivall in America, I received strong a.s.surances of the a.s.sistance of a great Number of Southern Indians, which I have entirely lost through the Misconduct of the Government of Virginia: And indeed the whole Indian Affairs have been so imprudently and dishonestly conducted, that it was with the greatest difficulty I could gain a proper Confidence with those I have engag'd, and even that could not be attain'd, nor can be preserv'd without a great Expense.

"The Nature of the Country prevents all Communication with the French but by Indians, and their Intelligence is not much to be depended upon; they all agree the Number of French now in Fort Duquesne is very inconsiderable, but that they pretend to expect large Reinforcements.

"I have an Account of the arrival of the two thousand Arms for the New England Forces, and that they are sailed for Nova Scotia. Batteaus and Boats are preparing for the Forces destined to the Attacks of Niagara and Crown Point, but the province of New York, which by its situation must furnish the greater part, do not act with so much vigor as I could wish.

"In order to secure a short and easy Communication with the province of Pensilvania, after the Forces have pa.s.s'd the Alligany Mountains, I have apply'd to Governor Morris to get a Road cut from s.h.i.+ppensburg in that Province to the River Youghyaughani; up which he informs me he has set a proper Number of Men at work, and that it will be compleated in a Month: This I look upon to be an Affair of the greatest Importance, as well for securing future Supplies of Provisions, as for obtaining more speedy Intelligence of what pa.s.ses in the Northern Colonies.[14]

"I wait now for the last Convoy and shall, if I do not meet with further Disappointments, begin my March over the Alleghaney Mountains in about five days. The Difficulties we have to meet with by the best Accounts are very great; the Distance from hence to the Forts is an hundred and ten miles, a Road to be cut and made the whole way with infinite Toil and Labor, over rocky Mountains of an excessive Height and Steepness, and many Stoney Creeks and Rivers to cross."

Braddock's army under Halket and Dunbar proceeded to Fort c.u.mberland from Alexandria by various routes. Governor Sharpe had had a new road built from Rock Creek to Fort c.u.mberland;[15] this was probably Dunbar's route and is given as follows in Braddock's Orderly Books:[16]

MILES To Rock Creek[17] -- To Owen's Ordinary 15 To Dowdens 15 To Frederick 15 From Fred^k on y^e road to Conogogee 17 From that halting place to Conogogee 18 From Conogogee to John Evens 16 To the Widow Baringer 18 To George Polls 9 To Henry Enock's 15 To c.o.x's at y^e mouth of little Cacaph 12 To Col. Cresaps 8 To Wills Creek 16 ---- 174

Halket's regiment went from Alexandria to Winchester, Virginia by the following route as given in Braddock's Orderly Books:

MILES To y^e old Court House 18 To M^r Colemans on Sugar Land Run where there is Indian Corn &c. 12 To M^r Miners 15 To M^r Thompson y^e Quaker wh is 3000 wt corn 12 To M^r They's y^e Ferry of Shanh 17 From M^r They's to Winchester 23 -- 97

At Winchester Halket was only five miles distant from "Widow Baringer's"

on Dunbar's road from Frederick to Fort c.u.mberland.

One of the few monuments of Braddock's days stands beside the Potomac, within the limits of the city of Was.h.i.+ngton. It is a gigantic rock, the "Key of Keys," now almost lost to sight and forgotten. It may still be found, and efforts are on foot to have it appropriately marked. It is known in tradition as "Braddock's Rock"--on the supposition that here some of Braddock's men landed just below the mouth of Rock Creek en route to Frederick and Fort c.u.mberland. It is unimportant whether the legend is literally true.[18] A writer, disputing the legend, yet affirms that the public has reason "to require that the destructive hand of man be stayed, and that the remnants of the ancient and historic rock should be rescued from oblivion." The rock may well bear the name of Braddock, as the legend has it. Nothing could be more typical of the man--grim, firm, unreasoning, unyielding.

CHAPTER IV

A SEAMAN'S JOURNAL

One of the most interesting doc.u.ments relative to Braddock's expedition is a _Journal_ kept by one of the thirty seamen sent with Braddock by Commodore Keppel. The original ma.n.u.script was presented by Colonel Macbean to the Royal Artillery Library, Woolwich, and is first published here.

An expanded version of this doc.u.ment was published in Winthrop Sargent's _History of Braddock's Expedition_, ent.i.tled "The Morris Journal"--so called because it was in the possession of the Rev. Francis-Orpen Morris, Nunburnholme Rectory, Yorks.h.i.+re, who had published it in pamphlet form.[19] Concerning its authors.h.i.+p Mr. Sargent says, "I do not know who was the author of this Journal: possibly he may have been of the family of Capt. Hewitt. He was clearly one of the naval officers detached for this service by Com. Keppel, whom sickness detained at Fort c.u.mberland during the expedition."[20]

A comparison of the expanded version with the original here printed shows that the "Morris Journal" was written by Engineer Harry Gordon of the 48th Artillery. The entry in the expanded version for June 2 reads: "Col. Burton, Capt. Orme, Mr Spendlowe and self went out to reconnoitre the road."[21] In the original, under the same date, we read: "Colonel Burton, Capt. Orme, Mr Engineer Gordon & Lieut Spendelow were order'd to reconnoitre the Roads." Why Mr. Gordon desired to suppress his name is as inexplicable as the failure of the Rev. Francis-Orpen Morris, who compared the expanded and the original ma.n.u.scripts, to announce it. The proof is made more sure by the fact that Mr. Gordon usually refers to himself as an "Engineer," as in the entry for June 3: "This morning an Engineer and 100 men began working on the new road...." In the original the name is given: "Engineer Gordon with 100 Pioneers began to break Ground on the new Road...."[22] He refers to himself again on July 9 as "One of our Engineers": "One of our Engineers, who was in the front of the Carpenters marking the road, saw the Enemy first."[23] It is well known that Gordon first caught sight of the enemy and the original journal affirms this to have been the case: "Mr Engineer Gordon was the first Man that saw the Enemy." Mr. Sargent said the author "was clearly one of the naval officers detached ... by Com. Keppel." Though Mr.

Gordon, as author, impersonated a seaman, there is certainly very much more light thrown on the daily duties of an engineer than on those of a sailor; there is far more matter treating of cutting and marking Braddock's Road than of handling ropes and pulleys. It is also significant that Gordon, from first to last, was near the seamen and had all the necessary information for composing a journal of which one of them might have been the author. He was in Dunbar's regiment on the march from Alexandria--as were the seamen. He, with the carpenters, was possibly brigaded in the Second Brigade, with the seamen, and in any case he was with the van of the army on the fatal ninth as were the seamen.

As to the authors.h.i.+p of the original journal the doc.u.ment gives no hint.

From Mr. Gordon's attempt to cover his own ident.i.ty by introducing the word "self" in the latter part of the entry of June 3, it might be supposed the original ma.n.u.script was written by the "Mids.h.i.+pman"

referred to under that date in the original journal. But the two mids.h.i.+pmen given as naval officers in the expedition, Haynes and Talbot, were killed in the defeat.[24]

The original journal which follows is of interest because of the description of the march of Dunbar's brigade through Maryland and Virginia to Fort c.u.mberland. The remainder was evidently composed from descriptions given by officers after their return to Fort c.u.mberland:[25]

Extracts from

A Journal of the Proceedings of the Detachment of Seamen, ordered by Commodore Kepple, to a.s.sist on the late Expedition to the _Ohio_ with an impartial Account of the late Action on the Banks of the _Monongohela_ the 9^{th} of July 1755, as related by some of the Princ.i.p.al Officers that day in the Field, from the 10^{th} April 1755 to the 18^{th} Aug^{st}. when the Detachment of Seamen embark'd on board His Majisty's s.h.i.+p Guarland at Hampton in Virginia

April 10^{th} Orders were given to March to Morrow with 6 Companies of S^r P. Halket's Regiment for _Winchester_ towards _Will's Creeks_; April 11^{th} Yesterdays Orders were Countermanded and others given to furnish Eight days Provisions, to proceed to _Rock's Creek_[26] (8 Miles from Alexandria) in the Sea Horse & Nightingale Boats; April 12^{th}: Arrived at _Rock's Creek_ 5 Miles from the lower falls of _Potomack_ & 4 Miles from the Eastern branch of it; where we encamped with Colonel Dunbars Regiment

April 13^{th}: Employed in loading Waggon's with Stores Provisions and all other conviniences very dear _Rock's Creek_ a very pleasant Situation.

April 14^{th}: Detachment of Seamen were order'd to March in the Front: arrived at M^r. Lawrence Owen's: 15 Miles from _Rock's Creek_; and encamp'd upon good Ground 8 Miles from the Upper falls of _Potomack_

April 15^{th}: Encamp'd on the side of a Hill near M^r. Michael Dowden's;[27] 15 Miles from M^r. Owen's, in very bad Ground and in 1-1/2 foot Snow

April 16^{th}: Halted, but found it extreamly difficult to get either Provisions or Forrage.

April 17^{th}: March'd to _Fredericks Town_; 15 Miles from Dowden's, the road very Mountanious, March'd 11 Miles, when we came to a River call'd _Monskiso_, which empties itself into the _Potomack_; it runs very rapid; and is, after hard Rain, 13 feet deep: We ferried over in a Float for that purpose. This Town has not been settled Above 7. Years; there are 200 Houses & 2 Churches 1 Dutch, 1 English;[28] the inhabitants chiefly Dutch, Industrious, but imposing People; Provisions & Forrage in Plenty.

April 18^{th}: Encamp'd with a New York Company under the Command of Captain Gates, at the North End of the Town, upon very good Ground

April 19^{th}: Exercising Recruits, & airing the Tents: several Waggons arrived with Ordnance Stores, heavy Dews at Night occasion it to be very unwholsome

April 20^{th}: Nothing Material happen'd

April 21^{st}: The General attended by Captains Orme, Morris and Secretary s.h.i.+rley; with S^r John S^t Clair; arrived at Head Quarters.

April 24^{th} inactive[29].

April 25^{th}: Ordnance Stores Arrived, with 80 Recruits for the 2 Regiments

April 27^{th}: Employ'd in preparing Harness for the Horses

April 29^{th}: March'd to M^r. Walker's 18 Miles from _Fredericks Town_; pa.s.s'd the South Ridge, commonly called the Blue Ridge or _Shanandoh Mountains_ Very easy Ascent and a fine Prospect ... no kind of Refreshment

April 30^{th}: March'd to _Connecochiag_; 16 Miles from M^r. Walker's, Close by the _Potomack_, a very fine Situation, where we found all the Artillery Stores preparing to go by Water to Wills Creek

May 1^{st}: Employed in ferrying (over the _Potomack_) the Army Baggage into Virginia in 2 Floats and 5 Batteaux; The Army March'd to M^r. John Evans, 16 Miles from y^e _Potomack_ and 20 Miles from Winchester, where we Encamp'd, and had tolerable good living with Forrage; the roads begin to be very indifferent

May 2^{nd}: Halted and sent the Horses to Gra.s.s

May 3^d: March'd to Widdow Barringers 18 Miles from M^r. Evans; the day was so excissive hot, that many Officers and Men could not Arrive at their Ground until Evening, this is 5 Miles from Winchester and a fine Situation

May 4^{th}: March'd to M^r. Pots 9 Miles from the Widdow's where we were refresh^t with Vinison and wild Turkeys the Roads excessive bad.

May 5^{th}: March'd to M^r. Henry Enocks, a place called the _forks of Cape Capon_, 16 Miles from M^r. Pots; over prodigious Mountains, and between the Same we cross'd a Run of Water in 3 Miles distance, 20 times after marching 15 Miles we came to a River called _Kahepatin_ where the Army ferried over, We found a Company of S^r Peter Halkets Regiment waiting to escort the Train of Artillery to _Wills Creek_

May 6^{th}: Halted, as was the Custom to do every third day, The Officers for pa.s.sing away the time, made Horse Races and agreed that no Horse should Run over 11 Hands and to carry 14 Stone

May 7^{th}: March'd to M^r. c.o.xs's by the side of y^e _Potomack_ 12 Miles from M^r. Enock's, and Encamped we cross'd another run of Water 19 Times in 2 Miles Roads bad.