The Boke of Noblesse Part 1

The Boke of n.o.blesse.

by Unknown.

INTRODUCTION.

The Book of n.o.blesse, which is now for the first time printed, was addressed to King Edward the Fourth for a political purpose, on a great and important occasion. He was in the midst of his second reign, living in high prosperity. He had subdued his domestic enemies. His Lancastrian rivals were no longer in existence, and the potent King-maker had fought his last field. Edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate reason to dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and treacherous we now know them to have been. He was the undisputed King of England, and, like his predecessors, the t.i.tular King of France. His brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile in 1470, was continually urging, for his own ambitious views, that the English should renew their ancient enterprises in France; and Edward, notwithstanding his natural indolence, was at last prepared to carry his arms into that country. The project was popular with all those who were burning for military fame, indignant at the decay of the English name upon the continent, or desirous to improve their fortunes by the acquisitions of conquest. The Book of n.o.blesse was written to excite and inflame such sentiments and expectations.

Its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited by the occupation of the English provinces in France, and particularly with the celebrated sir John Fastolfe, knight of the Garter, whom the writer in several places mentions as "myne autor."

Sir John Fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in France, and died at an advanced age in the year 1460. It seems not at all improbable that the substance of this book was written during his life-time, and that it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of Edward the Fourth's invasion of France. All the historical events which are mentioned in it date at least some five-and-twenty years before that expedition.

The author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how necessary it is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace of G.o.d: and then {ii} introduces a definition of true n.o.bility or n.o.blesse, in the words of "Kayus' son," as he designates the younger Pliny.

He next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the realm had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of France, the duchies of Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, and the counties of Maine and Ponthieu; which had been recovered by the French party, headed by Charles the Seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year 1450.

To inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the ancestral glories of the English nation, from their first original in the ancient blood of Troy, and through all the triumphs of the Saxons, Danes, Normans, and Angevyns. Of the Romans in England he says nothing, though in his subsequent pages he draws much from Roman history.

The next chapter sets forth how every man of wors.h.i.+p in arms should resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. In ill.u.s.tration of this it may be remarked, that Froissart, when describing the battle of Poictiers, says of the Black Prince, "The Prince of Wales, who was _as courageous and cruel as a lion_, took great pleasure this day in fighting and chasing his enemies." So our first Richard is still popularly known by his martial epithet of Coeur de Lyon: and that the lion was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour is testified by its general adoption on the heraldic s.h.i.+elds of the highest ranks of feudal chivalry. The royal house of England displayed three lions, and the king of beasts was supposed to be peculiarly symbolic of their race--

Your brother Kings and monarchs of the earth Do all expect that you should rouse yourself As did the former Lions of your Blood.

Shakspere's Henry V. Act I. scene 1.

In the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the French party began first to offend, and break the truce." This truce had been concluded at Tours on the 28th of May 1444. The French are stated to have transgressed it first by capturing certain English merchant-men on the sea; and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore allegiance to the English king. Of such are enumerated sir Giles son of the duke of Bretagne[1]; sir Simon Morhier, the {iii} provost of Paris, taken at Dieppe[2]; one Mansel an esquire, taken on the road between Rouen and Dieppe, in January 1448-9[3]; and the lord Fauconberg, taken at Pont de l'Arche on the 15th May 1449.[4] The writer is careful to state that these acts of aggression on the part of the French, or some of them, were committed "before the taking of Fugiers," for it was by that action that the English party had really brought themselves into difficulty.[5]

There is next discussed (p. 6) "a question of great charge and weight, whether it be lawful to make war upon Christian blood." This is determined upon the authority of a book ent.i.tled The Tree of Batailes, a work which had evidently already acquired considerable popularity whilst still circulated in ma.n.u.script only, {iv} and which so far retained its reputation when books began to be multiplied by the printing-press as to be reproduced on several occasions. Our author frequently recurs to it, but his references do not agree with the book as it now remains; and it is remarkable that he attributes it, not to Honore Bonnet its real author,[6]

but to one dame Christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. 54) as an inmate of the house of religious ladies at Pa.s.sy near Paris. It would seem, therefore, that he made use of a somewhat different book, though probably founded on the celebrated work of Honore Bonnet.

The fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions I have distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between the houses of Burgundy and Orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty and violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century.

King Edward is next reminded "how saint Louis exhorted and counselled his son to move no war against Christian people;" but, notwithstanding that blessed king's counsel,[7] it is declared on the other hand that "it is notarily and openly {v} known through all Christian realms that our adverse party hath moved and excited war and battles both by land and sea against this n.o.ble realm without any justice or t.i.tle, and without ways of peace showed; and consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king of England to defend (or drive away) those a.s.sailants upon his true t.i.tle, and to put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance."

The writer then bursts forth into a pa.s.sionate exhortation to the English nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he proceeds to set forth in several subsequent chapters. He enumerates the examples of king Arthur, of Brennus, Edmond Ironside, William the Conqueror, Henry the First, his brother Robert elect king of Jerusalem, Fulke earl of Anjou, Richard Coeur de Lyon, Philip Dieudonne of France, Edward the First, and Richard earl of Cornwall and emperor of Almaine. He rehea.r.s.es how Edward the Third had the victory at the battle of Scluse, gat Caen by a.s.sault, won the field at the great and dolorous battle of Cressy, captured David king of Scots and Charles duke of Bretany, and took Calais by siege; how Edward prince of Wales made John king of France prisoner at Poictiers; and how the battle of Nazar was fought in Spain.

In the following chapter it is related how king Henry the Fifth conquered Normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the defence of Harfleur against the power of France. Here it is that the name of sir John Fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a circ.u.mstance of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed themselves of the a.s.sistance of mastiffs--"and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I herd the seyd ser Johan Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a lyes (_or_ leash), to barke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the d.y.k.es or to aproche the towne for to scale yt."

The chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of Agincourt and the marriage of king Henry to the French king's daughter.

The following chapters (pp. 17 et seq.) contain how in the time of John duke of Bedford, who was for thirteen years Regent of France, the victory of Cravant was obtained by his lieutenant the earl of Salisbury; how the duke in his own person won the battle of Verneuil in Perche; how that the greater part of the county of Mayne, and the city of Mauns, with many other castles, were brought {vi} into subjection; and how that Henry the Sixth, by the might of great lords, was crowned King in Paris; after which the writer bursts forth into another exhortation, or "courageous recomforting"

of the "valiauntnes of Englishemen."

The author now flies off (p. 20) to more remote examples, to the n.o.blesse of that vaillant knight Hector of Troy, to the deeds in arms of Agamemnon the puissaunt king of Greece, and to those of Ulysses and Hercules.

He recites, from the book of Vegetius on Military Tactics,[8] how a conqueror should especially practise three things,--the first, a scientific prudence or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms: and the third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people.

He next argues how men of n.o.blesse ought to leave sensualities and delights.

In the following chapters (p. 22 et seq.), he sets forth the King's t.i.tle to the duchy of Normandy, to the inheritance of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, and to the duchies of Gascoigne and Guienne.

The "historier" proceedeth (p. 25) in his matter of exhortation, strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous authority of master Ala.n.u.s de Auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence Tullius," of Caton, the famous poet Ovid, and Walter Malexander. The work of the first of these authors, Alain Chartier, seems to have been at once the source from which many of our author's materials were derived, and also to have furnished the key-note upon which he endeavoured to pitch his {vii} appeals to the patriotism and prowess of his countrymen. Alain Chartier[9] had been secretary to king Charles the Seventh, and wrote his Quadrilogue[10] in the year 1422, in defence of the native party in France, and in opposition to the English usurpation. Our author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some of his verbal artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against the party of their original deviser.

In the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from Alain Chartier[11]; and further advice is drawn from the Arbre des Batailles (pp.

27, 30), and from the treatise of Vegetius (p. 29).

It is related (p. 33) how king John lost the duchy of Normandy for lack of finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next follows (p. 34) a long and important chapter recounting the various truces made between the kings of England and France, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the French party, to the decay of the English power, except when revived by the victories of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth. This part of the discussion is concluded with a representation (p. 41) of the lamentable condition of the French subjects of the English crown, when put out of their lands and tenements. "Heh allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme (they saide) that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe partie or theire allies in any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes!"

Yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is expressed that the inheritance of France will at length be brought to its true and right estate.

The writer then proposes (p. 41) a question to be resolved by divines, How be {viii} it that at some times G.o.d suffereth the party that hath a true t.i.tle and right to be overcome, yet for all that a man should not be discouraged from pursuing his right. He mentions the last unfortunate overthrow sustained at Formigny[12] in 1450, and the consequent loss of Guienne and Bordeaux.

After which follows (p. 43) "another exhortation of the historier,"

addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englonde and of France, and alle y^e other n.o.ble princes and other puissaunt lordes and n.o.bles of divers astates olde or yong."

A brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful prince of renommee Henry the Fifth and the three full mighty and n.o.ble princes his brethren; where, in the commendation of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as yt ys seyd to the value of M^l marks, of the vij sciences, of dyvinite, as of law spirituall and cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford."

Allusion is made (p. 46) to the order of the Garter, "founded (as yt ys seyd) in token of wors.h.i.+p that he being in bataile, what fortune fille, shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that G.o.d l.u.s.t sende;" of which fellows.h.i.+p sir John Chandos, seneschal of Poictou, had been a right n.o.ble exemplar. The historical reminiscences of the author then again lead him on to the disastrous period during which the continental possessions of England had been lost, "within the s.p.a.ce of one year and fourteen (fifteen) weeks, that is to wete, from the xv. day of May in the year 1449 unto the xv. day of August in the year 1450, that every castle, fortress, and town defensable of the said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to the adverse party."

After a break (p. 50), in consequence of the loss of a leaf of the Ma.n.u.script, we find ourselves in the midst of a discussion of the merits of astrology. The author addresses himself to combat the prevalent confidence in prophecies and in the influence of the stars: "which judgments (he avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely contingent or likely, and, he adds, "as likely not to be as to be." For if, he puts the case, "a constellation or a prophecy signified that such a year or within {ix} such a time there should fall war, pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country or region, or privation of a country, it is said but dispositively, and not of necessity or certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies, constellations, and influence of the stars were masters over G.o.d's power, and that would soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." After this pious determination upon a question that at that period presented great difficulties, the author adds, that he believed G.o.d to have bestowed that sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even turn the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary disposition: to which effect he quotes the bold a.s.sertion of the famous astrologian Ptolemy,

_Quod h.o.m.o sapiens dominatur astris._

With these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of the age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of the recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from "havyng no consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and enriche one silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffering extorcions over the pore peple." On this subject he subsequently speaks still more plainly.

This leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries that had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old Bretons were, when driven out of England by the Saxons into Cornwall and Wales. "And where (he exclaims[13]) is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy and Thebes, ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of wisdom?" Carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme,"

had been burnt to ashes by the Romans. Rome {x} herself had for the greater part been overthrown; and Jerusalem had shared the like fate.

In the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his matter from Roman history: which he derives from the decades of t.i.tus Livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "Tree of Batailes."

Tullius and Cato are also repeatedly cited.

It is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable pa.s.sages in the book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir John Fastolfe:--

"I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and n.o.bles at his sola.s.se (_i.e._ tuition), how that there be twey maner condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a hardye man; but he sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of G.o.de avys.e.m.e.nt, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth grete aventur he scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his felyshyp detrussed (or disordered). And the manly man, hys policie ys that (if) he avaunce hym and hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn racountre, he wulle so discretely avaunce hym that he wulle entend [_i.e._ be sure] to hafe the over-hand of hys adversarye, and safe hymself and hys felyshyp."

It was thus that the experienced captain sir John Fastolfe distinguished between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on some feasible and well conceived exploit. It is evident that the term "hardy" was then sometimes understood in the sense we now call fool-hardy.[14] The author himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. 63.

{xi}

At p. 68 will be found another anecdote of sir John Fastolfe. It shows that the writer had access to those books of accompt which sir John had kept when a captain in France. "I fynde (he says) by his bookes of hys purveonds how yn every castell, forteresse, and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete providence of vitaille, of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh and saltfysh owt of England commyng by shyppes." It was because of his good management in this respect that the regent and lords of the council intrusted so many castles to his custody that he yearly had under his command three hundred spears (or mounted men-at-arms) with their attendants. Also in like manner he purveyed yearly for his soldiers a livery of red and white; and equipments sufficient for any naked man that was able to do the king and regent service. The good result of this provision was manifested on a memorable occasion, when the duke of Exeter was captain of the city of Paris, and Fastolfe captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine. It happened, in consequence of the arrest of the lord de Lisle Adam,[15] a favourite with the commons of the city, that they suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of Exeter, who found it necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. {xii} At his coming the first question he asked of Fastolfe was how far he was furnished with corn, with wheat, beans, peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other vitail. Fastolfe replied, With sufficient for a half-year or more: which gave the prince great "comfort," or re-a.s.surance. So he made ready his ordnance, and discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty shot of arrows: by which means, and because the French king and queen, who were in the city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a short time constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of Exeter.[16]

At p. 69 occurs a curious chapter in the praise of agriculture, or "labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, ill.u.s.trated by a description of the gardens and herbers of king Cyrus.

But the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical point of view, is the chapter commencing at p. 71, intended to inforce the wisdom and necessity of making just pay to soldiers, for eschewing of great inconveniences that may otherwise insue. It is here admitted that in this respect there had been more neglect in the English possessions in France than was elsewhere known[17]: {xiii} that in consequence the people had suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their vitail without payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for ten or twelve years previously to the country being lost. Our author advises that the chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, either monthly, as had been usual during the time of the regent Bedford, or quarterly, and that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, defalcation, or abridgment, or any undue a.s.signation; and that such payments be made content without delay, or long and great pursuit. It appears from the writer's statements, that the royal officers, deputies, and commissioners had not only been guilty of the practices thus denounced, but that those officers themselves had been needlessly numerous, living as they did upon bribery and extortion, and neglecting the exercise of arms necessary for the defence and protection of the territory. Oftentimes they had wasted of the subjects'[18] livelode more than was necessary, and oftentimes had suffered them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved their beasts with their weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits for sorrow, and thus enforced "for duresse" to forsake the t.i.tle and laws of their English sovereign. Moreover, they had been so often grievously surcharged with paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and impositions, besides their rents paid either to the crown or their landlords, and many of them dwelling upon the marches having also patised (or compounded?) to the adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that these innumerable charges and divers torments had effected their uttermost undoing. The author cannot quit these reflections without this pa.s.sionate appeal to the Almighty: "Oh G.o.d! which art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein and just, how maist thou long suffre this (misery) regnyng without the stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that Dukedom?"

The next chapter (p. 74) appears to intimate that the writer personally sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. "Moreover, (he exclaims,) in way of gret pitee, and in the wors.h.i.+p of G.o.d, suffre ye not the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and their ministrours, to be oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as in your predecessour's {xiv} daies they have been accepted in fulle litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges been privily coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the marches and countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to live at rest upon their livelodes. And oftentimes they were visited by strangers of great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by those intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers, praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of necessity.

The following chapter (p. 76) is a remarkable one in respect to ancient chivalric usages. It sets forth "How lordis sonnes and n.o.ble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, shulde exercise hem in armes lernyng." It is urged that "the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle tho that ben comen and descendid of n.o.ble bloode, as of auncien knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, while they ben of grene age, (should be) drawen forthe, norisshed, and excercised in disciplines, doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to renne with speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, and wele brethed;" ... "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for to take entrepresis, to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in wors.h.i.+p to doo armes in liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein pointis, or in a quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend their sovereign and his realm. Such was the ancient custom of the kings both of France and of England: as especially of king Edward the Third, and of Henry duke of Lancaster. That chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by sir John Fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions, as out of Spain, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and France, their children, young knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his n.o.ble court, in scole of armes, and for to see n.o.blesse, curtesie, and wors.h.i.+p."

This useful custom had been maintained by other n.o.ble princes and lords of great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the greater pity is! many that be descended of n.o.ble blood and born to arms, as the sons of knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set themselves to "singuler practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn "the practique of law or custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so waste greatly their time in such needless business, as to undertake the holding of manorial courts, to keep and bear out a proud {xv} countenance at the holding of sessions and s.h.i.+re-motes,[19] and "there to embrace[20] and rule among youre pore and symple comyns of b.e.s.t.i.a.lle contenaunce that l.u.s.t to lyve in rest." And it is added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such matters, was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates than he who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great jeopardies in the conquests and wars of his sovereign. The author pursues the argument at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his decided opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather learn to be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to be a captain or ruler at a sessions or s.h.i.+re-day; leaving such matters to the king's justices and officers,[21] and that "suche singuler practik shulde not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come of n.o.ble birthe,"--except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly.