Ireland under the Tudors Part 19

[Sidenote: The Butlers and O'Briens. Carrigogunnell.]

The troops being pacified for the moment and Lord Butler having arrived with another battering piece, the garrison of Carrigogunnell, consisting partly of Desmond men and partly of O'Briens, were summoned to surrender on promise of their lives, and warned that if the castle had to be taken by force no quarter should be shown to man, woman, or child. They detained the messenger and returned no answer. A breach was soon made, and, after more than one failure and the loss of thirty men killed and wounded, the castle was taken by storm. Seventeen of the defenders were killed in the fight, and of forty-six survivors all were put to death on the spot, except certain gentlemen of the O'Briens, for whom large ransoms were refused, and who were taken to Limerick, tried for high treason, and immediately executed. Chief Justice Aylmer accompanied the army for such purposes. The castle was handed over to Lord Butler, who placed it in his brother-in-law's charge, and Donogh, having gained his great object, became a scourge to the citizens of Limerick.[182]

[Sidenote: Grey cannot pay his army.]

The troops positively refused to go into Clare without receiving their arrears, and Grey had nothing to give. He therefore proposed to leave them at Limerick, Cork, and Kilmallock; giving his own and the Council's security for their victualling until the King should think proper to send money. They refused; and Butler's men, after twenty days' trial of Lough Gur, would stay there no longer unless the towns had English garrisons.

James Fitz-Maurice, whom the King acknowledged as Earl of Desmond, and who had a party in the country, was not at hand, and as no one could take his place the castle was abandoned. The artillery was left at Limerick and Clonmel, and the Lord Deputy went back to meet Parliament at Dublin.

His expedition had shown that a small army well led and well paid could go anywhere and do anything in Ireland, and that feudal castles could do nothing against a proper siege train; but it had also shown that the necessary conditions were not likely to be fulfilled under a King who gave away priories while crossing pa.s.sages, and who staked one of the finest peals of bells in London upon a single throw of the dice.[183]

[Sidenote: The Duke of Richmond dies, 1536.]

The death of the Duke of Richmond, whom his father no doubt intended to advance and whom Charles V. even thought, or professed to think, destined to succeed him, made no difference to the country which he nominally governed. It was indeed at first supposed that Acts of Parliament pa.s.sed after his death would be invalid, but the lawyers seem to have decided that this was not the case.[184]

[Sidenote: The revenue. Abuses.]

The actual revenue of Ireland, derived partly from forfeitures and partly from a parliamentary grant, amounted at this time to about 5,000_l._, of which 1,000_l._ was not paid. Henry, who was of course obliged to supplement this, complained that he got very little for his money, and wished to reduce the Irish establishment. He declared that he valued an increase of income less for himself than for the common good of Ireland.

'A great sort of you,' he wrote to the Lord Deputy and Council (we must be plain), 'desire nothing else but to reign in estimation and to fleece from time to time all that you may catch from us.' He announced therefore that he was about to send an independent person with ample powers to inquire into Irish affairs. He gave Brabazon detailed instructions for a survey of marsh lands, and bade him go to war no more but apply himself wholly to financial affairs. No salary was to be paid to any officer who acted by deputy, and none but customary fees exacted. Henry said he was determined to reform Ireland, and would value his servants there according to their merits in that behalf. 'If anyone,' he wrote, 'directly or indirectly devised and practised the let, hindrance, or impeachment of this our purpose for any respect, whereunto we will not fail to have a special eye, we shall so look upon him what degree soever he shall be of, as others shall, by his example, beware how they shall misuse their Prince and sovereign Lord, and transgress his most dread commandment.'[185]

[Sidenote: Ireland cannot be governed without money.]

To this formidable letter Grey and his Council answered that the army had never been properly paid, and had in consequence often mutinied, that they had spent every farthing of revenue on public objects, and had raised large additional sums on their own credit, that credit was now quite exhausted, and that without money to pay off the men it was impossible further to reduce the military establishment. Brabazon had accounted or was ready to account for every penny, 'and as to our desire to reign in estimation, it is to be thought that among civil people there can no name of dignity or honour be in estimation, unless thereunto be annexed rule and riches. Would to G.o.d his Majesty did know our gain and riches, which is so great that we of the mean sort of this Council, being his Grace's officers among us all, we suppose be not worth in money and plate 1,000_l._ Irish, which is a small substance for us all, being in the rooms that we be under his Grace. We be no such purchasers of possessions, builders, dicers, nor carders, neither yet pompous householders whereby we should consume our profits and gain if we had them.'[186]

[Sidenote: Grey attacks the O'Connors, 1537.]

Those best acquainted with the country at this time believed that the necessary precedent to its reduction was a thorough conquest of Leinster.

The overthrow of the Kildare Geraldines was necessary, but had its inconveniences. They had been a standing menace to the Government, but they had kept the Irish at bay, and their fall left the marches quite open. Without security either of life or t.i.tle no one would work the forfeited lands, and the margin of waste grew broader every day. Grey's temper and talents made him prefer war to diplomacy, and he resolved to strike at O'Connor, whose hostages were in his hands, and who was under recognizance to deliver 800 cows to the King, but who had regained complete possession of Offaly. His brother Cahir had suffered the not uncommon fate of those who support Irish governments, and had been an exile for two years. Grey, Brabazon, and Aylmer took fourteen days'

provisions from Dublin, and were joined on the march by Lords Delvin, Slane, and Killeen, and by William Saintloo, now seneschal of Wexford, with his own company and 100 kerne. They pa.s.sed along the southern edge of Westmeath to MacGeohegan's country, the modern barony of Moycashel, and took hostages from that chief and from O'Molloy, whose district lay further south. On the same day Brabazon got possession of Brackland Castle through the treachery of an inmate, who acted in Cahir O'Connor's interest, and who was pardoned while the rest of the garrison were beheaded. The soldiers destroyed all that lay in their path, and on the fifth day arrived before Dangan, afterwards Philipstown, which had been fortified with some skill. The march was only of five or six miles, but the ground was boggy, and a road had to be made with fascines and hurdles. The ditches about the castle were filled in the same way, and the courtyard was forced before nightfall. Three days were spent in waiting for one large and two small pieces of artillery, and on the bright May morning following their arrival fire was opened upon the keep.

After four hours' cannonade, resulting as usual in those days with the disabling of the princ.i.p.al gun, a breach was made and the castle at once stormed. The walls were dismantled, and the heads of their twenty-three defenders set on poles 'for a show to the O'Connors.' On the next day Ossory's second son Richard, afterwards created Viscount Mountgarret, came to excuse his father, who had been kept away by ill-health. O'Connor in the meantime had fled into O'Carroll's country, 'which O'Carroll,'

Grey carefully notes, 'is the Earl of Ossory's friend.' The punishment of O'Carroll for harbouring the fugitive was nevertheless entrusted to Richard Butler, partly to punish his tardiness, and partly because Grey's fifteen days' provisions were almost gone. It was an absurd expedient, and before the end of the year O'Connor was back and Cahir had fled the country. The sole result of the expedition was to show the force of artillery; yet Henry, unless his language be thought ironical, calls it a notable exploit. 'If, however,' the King added, 'he should be suffered to enter again, it should but add a further courage to that traitorous malice which by all likelihood is so entered, that it will not be removed.'[187]

[Sidenote: Grey makes many enemies.]

Grey had many enemies, for he was not conciliatory, and his relations.h.i.+p to the Geraldines laid him open to the suspicions of all who had risen on the ruins of the House of Kildare. With Brabazon, the ablest man about him, he had long been on cold terms, and many supposed that the Vice-Treasurer thought he ought to have been Deputy himself. Thomas Agard, Vice-Treasurer of the Mint, a sour but apparently honest Puritan, hated Grey for his attachment to old religious forms, and Archbishop Browne lost no opportunity of attacking him on the same grounds. Alen, Master of the Rolls, a useful public servant, but with an inborn love of intrigue, gave trouble to every successive chief governor. Robert Cowley and his son were devoted to the House of Ormonde, which Grey thought too powerful. The Deputy did not favour the innovations in religion, and took no pains to hide his dislike to Browne and Agard; but with the rest he was always ready to co-operate. The King, however, found it hard to reconcile conflicting accounts, and resolved to send over Commissioners unconnected with Irish factions to report upon the actual state of affairs. The persons selected were Anthony St. Leger, of Ulcombe in Kent, one of the wisest statesmen who ever represented the English Crown in Ireland; George Paulet, a younger brother of the astute courtier who is best known as Marquis of Winchester, but not equally endowed with prudence; Thomas Moyle, of Gray's Inn, Receiver-General of the Court of Augmentations, and afterwards Speaker of the English House of Commons; and William Berners, auditor of the same court. The Irish Government was directed to treat them with as much deference as if the King were present; and they were ordered to treat Grey with much consideration, and to take his advice when possible. The latter instruction, so well calculated to soothe the Lord Deputy's wounded pride, was not directly made known to him. The Commissioners were ordered to present their credentials to the Lord Deputy as soon as they reached Dublin, and then to summon the Council and read the King's letter, in which he promised to remember their good services. 'If, on the other side,' he added, 'we shall not find you now faithful officers, ministers, and good councillors, but men given more to your own affectes, commodities, and gains, than earnestly bent to our satisfaction, we shall again so look upon the best of you so misusing himself for it, as shall be little cause to rejoice at length of his doings in that behalf.'[188]

[Sidenote: The King sends a special Commission.]

The first duty imposed on the Commissioners was the reduction of expenditure and the increase of revenue. As a cheap defence to the Pale, hostages were to be generally taken, and the army was, if possible, to be cut down to 340 picked men, inclusive of garrisons. Hors.e.m.e.n were to receive 8_l._ yearly, footmen 4_l._, constables of castles 13_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._, gate-keepers 6_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._, under-warders 4_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._--all in Irish currency, or about two-thirds of the sterling amounts. The Vice-Treasurer was in future to visit all garrisons quarterly, to see that deserving men received commands, and to provide for frequent musters of all borne on the books. All soldiers in excess of the new establishment were to be paid off with money specially provided, and the King, with a touch of his daughter's temper, gave orders that they should be induced if possible to take less than their due. The Commissioners were to survey waste lands and were authorised to give leases for twenty-one years, with a clause of forfeiture for non-observance of the laws as to English dress and for alliance with Irish rebels--the penalties provided by law being also enforced. After this all offices and officers were to be subjected to rigid scrutiny, with a view to increased efficiency and reduced expense. Detailed instructions were given as to public accounts, and Brabazon was to be repaid all he had spent in annoying the King's rebels.

[Sidenote: Powers of this Commission.]

The control of legislation was also given to the Commissioners, who were to see various Acts for the establishment of royal authority in Church and State duly pa.s.sed. They were to inquire as to the claims of clerical proctors to interfere in Parliament, were themselves to have a right of entry as the King's councillors, and were to expound the royal policy 'with all their wit and dexterity, and with such stomach, where they shall perceive any man frowardly, perversely bent to the let and impeachment of the King's purpose in the same, as they may the rather by their wisdom both conduce the thing to effect and reconcile the parties that before would show themselves so wilful and obstinate.' Messages to this effect were sent to both Houses, both Wolsey and Cromwell relying upon a species of intimidation of which Charles I.'s attempt on the five members is the last recorded example. The Commissioners afterwards exercised the power of dissolving Parliament.

[Sidenote: The King has vague good intentions.]

The Commissioners were to examine charges of taking money from the rebels which were brought against many men highly placed in Ireland; Henry rightly supposing that many nominal subjects connived at treason, as in the case of O'Brien's Bridge, which had cost much to take and to demolish, and which was now as strong and as troublesome as ever. But he did not choose to see that want of money was the chief cause of this failure. He was indeed, he said, determined to make a full reformation some day, and the information now collected would be very useful when the convenient season arrived. In the meantime, the Commissioners were to reduce the garrison to 340 men.

[Sidenote: The Commissioners arrive in Ireland, 1537. Grey's activity against the Irish.]

St. Leger and his companions set out early in August, but were detained by adverse winds about Holyhead, and did not arrive at Dublin till the middle of September. Grey had unusually strong reasons for exertions, and he begged hard for money and artillery. The pay of the army was twelve months in arrear. O'Connor was coshering among his friends 'more liker a beggar, than he that ever was a captain or ruler of a country,' and making vain suits daily to the Government. But Grey had not caught him, and he could be submissive enough until what was left of his corn had been saved; his neighbours, English and Irish, thinking it more prudent to shelter an enterprising rebel than to run risks for a Government which could not protect its friends. Grey, who habitually used strong language, characterises these prudent people as 'having as much falsehood remaining in them as all the devils of h.e.l.l.' Having, as he supposed, made O'Connor 'as low as a dog were for the bone,' he applied himself to the Kavanaghs, whose chief, Cahir MacArt, had married a Geraldine. It had been often proposed to extirpate them and to colonise the country. The Lord Deputy now entered Carlow, burned some castles of the O'Nolans between Newtownbarry and Tullow, forced Cahir MacArt to give hostages, and then turned sharply upon Ely O'Carroll, where O'Connor had first found a refuge. He had now the help of Ossory, who was always glad to weaken a neighbour, and of Cahir O'Connor, who was as anxious as his brother to divert attention from the Offaly corn. He pa.s.sed unopposed through the lands of the Fitzpatricks, O'Mores, O'Molloys, and MacGeohegans, received O'Carroll's submission, and then entered Tipperary, where he took a castle belonging to O'Meagher, the chief of Ikerrin. O'Connor came in on safe-conduct, and paid 300 marks for his son, who was given up to him.

Grey refused to trust him, and begged Cromwell never to allow his restoration; and the event proved Grey right, though he soon forgot his own advice. He now announced to the minister that he was beginning to understand the Irish nature, and that the King needed only to be in earnest. He was right in blaming constant changes of policy, but like most soldiers he failed to see the real difficulties of the Irish problem.[189]

[Sidenote: The O'Donnells. Death of Hugh Oge, 1537.]

It was now just a quarter of a century since Hugh Oge O'Donnell, then on his return from Rome, had been received with honour at the Court of Henry VIII. Deeply impressed by what he saw there, and aware of the impossibility of uniting all Irish tribes against the stranger, he had always striven to keep English intruders at bay by remaining on good terms with the Government, and had exerted his strength only to subdue his neighbours on the side furthest removed from the Pale. He had thus extended his sway over the modern counties of Roscommon and Sligo, and over great portions of Fermanagh, Mayo, and Galway, and even of Down and Antrim. He had forced or persuaded the O'Neills to acknowledge his claims to the disputed sovereignty over Innishowen, Raphoe, and Fermanagh; and the Irish generally were so much impressed by his wisdom and prowess that they supposed him to be Hugh the Valiant, the promised Celtic Messiah, who was to redress or avenge the wrongs of Erin. When it seemed clear that this was not so, the dreamers of dreams declared that as he had failed the deliverer would never come. His panegyrists reckon among his t.i.tles to fame that 'the seasons were favourable, so that sea and land were productive:' it is more to the purpose that he executed strict justice and repressed thieves. Like most Irish chiefs, he had difficulties with his children, and his valiant son Ma.n.u.s was discarded at the instance of a mistress whom the old chief had brought into his house. For this and for other sins he made such reparation as he could by a late repentance, donned the cord and cowl of St. Francis, and died in the odour of sanct.i.ty. He was buried in his religious dress in the monastery which his father had built at Donegal for friars of the strict observance; and Ma.n.u.s was at once acknowledged both by the tribesmen and by O'Neill, and was inaugurated at Kilmacrenan with the usual ceremonies.[190]

[Sidenote: Disturbances in the North.]

The new chief at once took up the thread of his father's policy by invading Connaught, and at the same time making loyal professions to Grey. He had, he wrote, been tempted to rebellion by all the disaffected lords in the South and West, but was determined to take no advice but that of the King and his Deputy. As soon as he heard of Hugh O'Donnell's death, Grey at once repaired to the borders of Ulster. The galleys of O'Neill and his Scotch allies had threatened a fortified settlement at Ardgla.s.s on the coast of Down, and the Deputy burned to invade Tyrone; but the Council dissuaded him, and the receipt of Ma.n.u.s O'Donnell's letter gave hopes of settling the North by peaceful means. Some thought Grey too fond of making aimless raids, and Alen made some sensible remarks on the subject. 'I would not,' he wrote to St. Leger, 'have the Deputy representing the King's Majesty's person and estate be a common skurrer for every light matter; but, when he should begin a war, begin it upon a just good ground, and when it were so begun, to be so profoundly executed, that all other should take example thereby.' But the King thought only of increasing the revenue and diminis.h.i.+ng the army.[191]

[Sidenote: Grey is baffled by the O'Connors.]

Grey had been sanguine enough to believe that his work in Offaly would be lasting, but, as Henry had partly foreseen, O'Connor's return had undone it all. Cahir was a fugitive, and the floods protected Offaly, where the corn had been safely garnered in. At last the waters subsided, and Grey reached Brackland by the old road through Westmeath. O'Connor escaped into O'Doyne's country, the modern barony of Tinnahinch, which Grey and Richard Butler proceeded to ravage. While thus employed the scattered troops were surprised by O'Connor, and some were killed. The Lord Deputy was just able to destroy or carry away the corn stored at Geas.h.i.+ll, and to return to Dublin without having seen the enemy. To gain time till the season of long days came round again, Grey gave a safe-conduct to O'Connor, who proposed to visit Dublin. 'But shortly herein to conclude,'

as Brabazon puts it, 'the said traitor and his brother Cahir fell to agreement and concord, so that at this presents they both remain in Offaly.' St. Leger, who had a cooler temper than Grey, saw the impossibility of subduing even a single clan by desultory hostings. 'The country,' he said, 'is much easier won than kept.' To overrun Offaly was a small thing, but it could only be united to the Pale by the costly expedient of fixed garrisons. O'Connor had got back his son, and indeed neither he nor any Irishman had much regard for promises or for the fate of hostages.[192]

[Sidenote: He continues to attack them.]

The O'Connors were weakened by repeated blows, and Alderman Herbert, who had long advised a colonising policy, proposed that Offaly should be peopled with Englishmen once for all. Grey again invaded the doomed district with 800 men, and O'Connor at once declared himself willing to treat, though he utterly refused to trust himself within the Pale. Grey halted at Kinnafad, where a castle built by the Berminghams still overhangs the ford of the Boyne. Having taken precautions against treachery, the Lord Deputy pa.s.sed about half his men over the river, and then advanced with twelve hors.e.m.e.n to an open field about a quarter of a mile off, where O'Connor met him similarly attended. The chief submitted to the King's clemency, begged Grey's intercession, and promised to come to Dublin in three days. Cahir sent word that he would come too, but broke his promise. O'Connor kept his tryst, acknowledged himself the King's liegeman, abjured the authority of the Pope for himself and his tribesmen, renounced all Irish exactions, and gave up his black-rents, including a pension of sixty marks from the King. Thanks were in future to be his only reward for service; and he offered to hold legally of the King 'that portion of lands in Offaly which he held by part.i.tion after his country's fas.h.i.+on,' undertaking that his brothers and other holders of land there should become ent.i.tled in the same way. These lands were to be subject to impositions at so much per ploughland, as if they were situated in the Pale, a.s.sessments for the defence of the King's subjects being made as occasion might arise at the Lord Deputy's discretion. For himself he solicited the honour of Baron of Offaly, and begged for such protection as the Government habitually gave to Englishmen. He agreed that the Lord Deputy and all the marchers might cut pa.s.ses where they pleased, and gave up his son again pending the King's final decision. The crafty Cahir was hunted down, apparently with his brother's help, and brought to Dublin, where he agreed to similar terms and also gave up his son. Yet many sceptics thought the O'Connors would slip the yoke at the first opportunity, and it is evident that nothing had occurred to change their nature, or to attach them to English habits or to English government.[193]

[Sidenote: Seizure of the five Geraldines.]

A main object of Grey's attack both on the O'Connors and the O'Briens may have been to get possession of the heir of Kildare, whose half-sister was married to the chief of Offaly. It is difficult to avoid the thought that Grey had a private as well as a public object in persecuting to the death all members of the fallen family except the children of his own sister.

The rebel Earl had five uncles, all men of fair ability and great influence, and Brabazon seems first to have suggested that they ought to be kept in England. Grey asked Sir James Fitzgerald and his brothers Walter and Richard, all of whom had opposed the rebellion, to dine with him at Kilmainham, and in the middle of dinner they were all seized and handcuffed. Sir John and Oliver were arrested before they had heard of their brothers' capture, and the five were lodged in the castle. Grey always plumed himself on this exploit, though he admitted that some of the prisoners were innocent. The Irish Council approved the deed and applauded its secret handling, but none of the Irish officials knew that they were sending these men to the scaffold; the guilt of that must rest on Henry and Cromwell. Aylmer and Alen accompanied them to England, and the chronicler tells us that Richard, who had literary tastes, relieved the tedium of a sea-voyage by singing songs and repeating apophthegms.

When he heard that the s.h.i.+p was called 'The Cow,' he was much dismayed, for there was a prophecy that five Earls' brethren should be carried to England in a cow's belly, and should never return. 'Whereat,' says Stanihurst, 'the rest began afresh to howl and lament, which doubtless was pitiful, to behold five valiant gentlemen, that durst meet in the field as st.u.r.dy champions as could be picked out in a realm, to be so suddenly terrified with the bare name of a wooden cow, or to fear like lions a silly c.o.xcomb, being moved (as commonly the whole country is) with a vain and fabulous old wives' dream.' On reaching London they were at once sent to the Tower, and left it only to take the last sad journey to Tyburn.[194]

[Sidenote: Survivor of the Kildare family. The 'Fair Geraldine.']

But the family was not destined to extinction. Lady Kildare had accompanied her husband to England, and had her three daughters with her.

The eldest was deaf and dumb, and of the youngest nothing particular is recorded, but the second, Lady Elizabeth, has by a strange chance been immortalised as the 'Fair Geraldine.' While yet a child she became maid of honour to the Princess Mary, at whose house at Hunsdon Henry, Earl of Surrey, saw her. She was then only twelve. Four years later she was married to Sir Anthony Browne, Master of the Horse and Knight of the Garter, but also a widower of sixty, whose daughter by his first marriage became her brother Gerald's wife. The unequal match was solemnized in the presence of the King and of the Lady Mary, and Ridley preached on the occasion which drew forth Surrey's sonnet. The situation of the bride's family and the apparent sacrifice of herself sufficiently account for the poetry, and there is no reason to suppose that the poet, who was married, had any regrets for himself. The study of Italian models would naturally lead to rather high-flown language, and poets were always privileged. The romantic fable of the magic mirror in which Cornelius Agrippa, an alchemist living at Florence, showed him the fair one reclining on a bridal couch and reading his sonnet, would not be worth noticing but that it found its way into the 'Lay of the Last Minstrel.' It is refuted by the fact that Surrey never was in Italy. After the death of Browne, who outlived Surrey, Lady Elizabeth was married to the Lord Admiral Clinton, who had been twice a widower. She left no children by either marriage, but her influence at Court may have had much to do with her brother's restoration. A portrait remains to show that she had a sweet face, and that she was not fairer than many who have had no poet. But canvas, and especially the canvas of Holbein's school, seldom preserves the charm of grace and motion. Three letters remain, creditable so far as they go, and written in a clear, bold hand which contrasts strikingly with the crabbed characters often affected by public men, characters which drew a sarcasm from Shakespeare, and still trouble the historian. A portrait, three letters, and fourteen pretty lines would have hardly preserved the fair Geraldine's memory had it not been for the tragic fates of her father, her brother, and her poet.[195]

[Sidenote: Edward Fitzgerald.]

Less than two years after her husband's death, and while her rash stepson was lying in the Tower, Lady Kildare came to live at her brother Leonard's house at Beaumanoir in Leicesters.h.i.+re. She found there her son Edward, aged eight, who had been brought by some devoted but unknown friends 'without word, token, nor letter.' With touching humbleness she begged to be allowed the custody of him 'because he is an innocent, to see him brought up in virtue.' The prayer was granted, and the child thus strangely rescued lived to be Lieutenant of Queen Elizabeth's pensioners, and ancestor of the Dukes of Leinster.[196]

[Sidenote: Gerald Fitzgerald.]

The King was most anxious to get Lady Kildare's eldest son into his power, and St. Leger avers that the King had no object 'but to cherish him as his kinsman in like sort as his other brother is cherished with his mother in the realm of England.' Having disposed of all who were old enough to be dangerous, it was doubtless Henry's intention to bring up the children in English ways and in dependence on him. But Lady Mary O'Connor had other views, and the adventures of Gerald show how inextricably the Geraldines were intermingled with Celtic families. He was ten years old when his half-brother was taken, and was then lying in small-pox at Donore in Kildare. As soon as he could be moved his tutor, Thomas Leverous, who was his father's foster-brother, carried him off in a basket and brought him safely to his sister in Offaly. Lady Mary procured him a three months' shelter among the O'Doynes, and he was then removed to Clare and placed under the charge of James Delahide. O'Brien, who had the Kildare plate and jewels as well as the heir in his power, refused all offers of the Government; and Leverous and Delahide were allowed to take Gerald to Kilbrittain Castle, and give him up to his aunt, Lady Eleanor MacCarthy, widow of the late and mother of the actual chief of Carbery. Had James Fitzjohn of Desmond wished to surrender the boy MacCarthy could hardly have resisted; but they agreed to amuse the Government with evasive answers, while Gerald employed himself in visiting the old tenants of his family about Adare and Croom. James Fitzjohn offered to take those manors on lease, the real object being to keep off grants to strangers. But Lady Eleanor feared the issue of this unequal contest, and agreed to marry Ma.n.u.s O'Donnell, whom she had rejected some years before. The marriage was desired by the whole Geraldine connection, and Lady Eleanor, accompanied by Leverous, Delahide, and the chaplain Walshe, brought her nephew safely through Th.o.m.ond, Clanricarde, and Mayo, into Tyrconnell. All the O'Briens and Burkes welcomed and sped them on their journey. As the travellers approached Sligo they were joined by a rhymer named M'Cragh, a native of Tipperary, who was studying his craft in those parts, and through him many details became known to Ormonde. After her marriage with O'Donnell, Lady Eleanor busied herself in forming a confederacy of the Northern chiefs with Desmond and her friends in Leinster and Munster.[197]

[Sidenote: Gerald escapes to France, 1540.]

But Irish plots are commonly woven in sand, and Grey's activity disconcerted her schemes. Fearing that O'Donnell might be bribed, as Brabazon suggested, to give up the boy, she determined to send him to France. Allen Governor, an English s.h.i.+powner of St. Malo, happened to be trading in Donegal, and agreed to take the precious pa.s.senger. A contract was drawn up before a notary, in which Governor bound himself to land Gerald and his companions safely in France. Bareheaded, and wearing only the saffron s.h.i.+rt of a humble native, Gerald stole out in a small boat by night and committed himself and his fortunes to the chances of the sea.

His aunt had provided him with 140 moidores, and he had also some plate, with part of which his pa.s.sage was paid. His companions were Leverous, Robert Walshe, a faithful ally but a stern disciplinarian, who did not even spare the rod in the interests of his n.o.ble charge, and a young gentleman whose name is not recorded. They arrived safely at Morlaix, where the military governor received Gerald and led him through the town by the hand, taking especial care that no English trader should come near him. Henry's amba.s.sador was nevertheless well informed as to the boy's movements. He re-embarked on the same vessel with a pilot named Jacques Cartier, who brought him to St. Malo, where he was hospitably treated by the Lieutenant-Governor.[198]

[Sidenote: Gerald abroad, 1540.]

When Chateaubriand, the Governor of Brittany, heard the news, he sent a special messenger to bring the refugees to Rennes. The gossips there would have it that Gerald was the rightful King of Ireland, and that Henry was a mere usurper; and neither he nor his friends could correct them: for they spoke no French. Chateaubriand treated his guest well and forwarded him to Court, where Wallop demanded his surrender as a treaty obligation. Francis did not deny this, but quietly removed the boy to the imperial town of Valenciennes. The faithful Leverous still attended him to watch against English kidnappers who were hanging about, and for greater security sent him to the Emperor at Brussels. But English diplomacy was importunate, and Charles transferred him to the Prince-bishop of Liege, with an allowance of one hundred crowns a month.

After six months' residence with the Bishop, his kinsman Reginald Pole sent him to Italy, pensioned him, and provided the best education the peninsula afforded in the houses of the Bishops of Verona and Mantua, and of Gonzago, Duke of Milan, who gave him a further pension. His last patron in Italy was Cosmo de' Medici, who allowed him three hundred crowns annually; and a three years' residence at Florence doubtless made him a proficient in the arts of courtly dissimulation. Leverous was admitted to the English monastery at Rome, and in Mary's reign became Bishop of Kildare; Robert Walshe went back to Ireland, but I do not find that his attainder was reversed or that he was ever pardoned.[199]

[Sidenote: Geraldine pride.]