A History of Rome During the Later Republic and Early Principate Part 20

[284] Diod. x.x.xiv. 2. 43.

[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.

[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli, capta sunt castra praetorum--nec nominare ipsos pudebit--castra Manli Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P.

Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).

[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana see p. 98.

[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?

[289] [Greek: _epi tae prophasei ton drapeton_] (Diodor. x.x.xiv. 2. 48).

Wallon (_Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.

[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe, direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport, (iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free exiles to a h.e.l.lenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.

[291] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.

[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.

[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Bucher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schafer, however (_Jahrb. f.

Cla.s.s. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (_Murgentinum oppidum_).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (x.x.xiv. 2. 20) calls him Coma.n.u.s and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16.

39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek: _epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetors.h.i.+p of Laelius (145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.

[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.

[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_]

(money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos_].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. x.x.xvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: _outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen eugeneian_.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of his father (_circa_ 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood.

Election to the augural college at this time was effected by co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4.

[314] Cic. _pro Cael_. 14. 34; Suet. _Tib_. 2.

[315] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. x.x.xviii. 57; Val. Max. iv.

2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy (l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _tou ge teichous epebae ton polemion protos_]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius did not remain until the end of the siege, the _teichos_ was probably that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 244); cf. App. _Lib_. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7; cf. App. _Iber_. 83; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 280; Long _Decline of Rom. Rep_. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur hostibus. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7 [Greek: _ton men gar hypaton epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d'

allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion_.] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. iii.

30. 109.

[321] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. _de Har. Resp_. 20.

43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C.

Mancini consulis c.u.m esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vii. 4. 13; Dio Ca.s.s.

_frg_. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Cra.s.sas a Semp.r.o.nio Asellione et plerisque aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod n.o.bilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. _Acad. Prior_. ii. 5. 13 Duo ... sapientissimos et clarissimos fratres, P. Cra.s.sum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.