The Travels of Marco Polo Volume I Part 39

[Sidenote: How far was there diffusion of his Book in his own day?]

75. But we must return for a little to Polo's own times. Ramusio states, as we have seen, that immediately after the first commission of Polo's narrative to writing (in Latin as he imagined), many copies of it were made, it was translated into the vulgar tongue, and in a few months all Italy was full of it.

The few facts that we can collect do not justify this view of the rapid and diffused renown of the Traveller and his Book. The number of MSS. of the latter dating from the 14th century is no doubt considerable, but a large proportion of these are of Pipino's condensed Latin Translation, which was not put forth, if we can trust Ramusio, till 1320, and certainly not much earlier. The whole number of MSS. in various languages that we have been able to register, amounts to about eighty. I find it difficult to obtain statistical data as to the comparative number of copies of different works existing in ma.n.u.script. With Dante's great Poem, of which there are reckoned close upon 500 MSS.,[1] comparison would be inappropriate. But of the Travels of Friar Odoric, a poor work indeed beside Marco Polo's, I reckoned thirty-nine MSS., and could now add at least three more to the list. [I described seventy-three in my edition of _Odoric_.--H. C.] Also I find that of the nearly contemporary work of Brunetto Latini, the _Tresor_, a sort of condensed Encyclopaedia of knowledge, but a work which one would scarcely have expected to approach the popularity of Polo's Book, the Editor enumerates some fifty MSS. And from the great frequency with which one encounters in Catalogues both MSS.

and early printed editions of Sir John Maundevile, I should suppose that the lying wonders of our English Knight had a far greater popularity and more extensive diffusion than the veracious and more sober marvels of Polo.[2] To Southern Italy Polo's popularity certainly does not seem at any time to have extended. I cannot learn that any MS. of his Book exists in any Library of the late Kingdom of Naples or in Sicily.[3]

Dante, who lived for twenty-three years after Marco's work was written, and who touches so many things in the seen and unseen Worlds, never alludes to Polo, nor I think to anything that can be connected with his Book. I believe that no mention of _Cathay_ occurs in the _Divina Commedia_. That distant region is indeed mentioned more than once in the poems of a humbler contemporary, Francesco da Barberino, but there is nothing in his allusions besides this name to suggest any knowledge of Polo's work.[4]

Neither can I discover any trace of Polo or his work in that of his contemporary and countryman, Marino Sanudo the Elder, though this worthy is well acquainted with the somewhat later work of Hayton, and many of the subjects which he touches in his own book would seem to challenge a reference to Marco's labours.

[Sidenote: Contemporary references to Polo.]

76. Of contemporary or nearly contemporary references to our Traveller by name, the following are all that I can produce, and none of them are new.

First there is the notice regarding his presentation of his book to Thibault de Cepoy, of which we need say no more (supra, p. 68).

Next there is the Preface to Friar Pipino's Translation, which we give at length in the Appendix (E) to these notices. The phraseology of this appears to imply that Marco was still alive, and this agrees with the date a.s.signed to the work by Ramusio. Pipino was also the author of a Chronicle, of which a part was printed by Muratori, and this contains chapters on the Tartar wars, the destruction of the Old Man of the Mountain, etc., derived from Polo. A pa.s.sage not printed by Muratori has been extracted by Prof. Bianconi from a MS. of this Chronicle in the Modena Library, and runs as follows:--

"The matters which follow, concerning the magnificence of the Tartar Emperors, whom in their language they call _Cham_ as we have said, are related by Marcus Paulus the Venetian in a certain Book of his which has been translated by me into Latin out of the Lombardic Vernacular. Having gained the notice of the Emperor himself and become attached to his service, he pa.s.sed nearly 27 years in the Tartar countries."[5]

Again we have that mention of Marco by Friar Jacopo d'Acqui, which we have quoted in connection with his capture by the Genoese, at p. 54.[6] And the Florentine historian GIOVANNI VILLANI,[7] when alluding to the Tartars, says:--

"Let him who would make full acquaintance with their history examine the book of Friar Hayton, Lord of Colcos in Armenia, which he made at the instance of Pope Clement V., and also the Book called _Milione_ which was made by Messer Marco Polo of Venice, who tells much about their power and dominion, having spent a long time among them. And so let us quit the Tartars and return to our subject, the History of Florence."[8]

[Sidenote: Further contemporary references.]

77. Lastly, we learn from a curious pa.s.sage in a medical work by PIETRO OF ABANO, a celebrated physician and philosopher, and a man of Polo's own generation, that he was personally acquainted with the Traveller. In a discussion on the old notion of the non-habitability of the Equatorial regions, which Pietro controverts, he says:[9]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Star at the Antarctic as sketched by Marco Polo[10].]

"In the country of the ZINGHI there is seen a star as big as a sack. I know a man who has seen it, and he told me it had a faint light like a piece of a cloud, and is always in the south.[11] I have been told of this and other matters by MARCO the Venetian, the most extensive traveller and the most diligent inquirer whom I have ever known. He saw this same star under the Antarctic; he described it as having a great tail, and drew a figure of it _thus_. He also told me that he saw the Antarctic Pole at an alt.i.tude above the earth apparently equal to the length of a soldier's lance, whilst the Arctic Pole was as much below the horizon. 'Tis from that place, he says, that they export to us camphor, lign-aloes, and brazil. He says the heat there is intense, and the habitations few. And these things he witnessed in a certain island at which he arrived by Sea. He tells me also that there are (wild?) men there, and also certain very great rams that have very coa.r.s.e and stiff wool just like the bristles of our pigs."[12]

In addition to these five I know no other contemporary references to Polo, nor indeed any other within the 14th century, though such there must surely be, excepting in a Chronicle written after the middle of that century by JOHN of YPRES, Abbot of St. Bertin, otherwise known as Friar John the Long, and himself a person of very high merit in the history of Travel, as a precursor of the Ramusios, Hakluyts and Purchases, for he collected together and translated (when needful) into French all of the most valuable works of Eastern Travel and Geography produced in the age immediately preceding his own.[13] In his Chronicle the Abbot speaks at some length of the adventures of the Polo Family, concluding with a pa.s.sage to which we have already had occasion to refer:

"And so Messers Nicolaus and Maffeus, with certain Tartars, were sent a second time to these parts; but Marcus Pauli was retained by the Emperor and employed in his military service, abiding with him for a s.p.a.ce of 27 years. And the Cham, on account of his ability despatched him upon affairs of his to various parts of Tartary and India and the Islands, on which journeys he beheld many of the marvels of those regions. And concerning these he afterwards composed a book in the French vernacular, which said Book of Marvels, with others of the same kind, we do possess." (_Thesaur. Nov. Anecdot._ III. 747.)

[Sidenote: Curious borrowings from Polo in the Romance of Bauduin de Sebourc.]

78. There is, however, a notable work which is ascribed to a rather early date in the 14th century, and which, though it contains no reference to Polo by name, shows a thorough acquaintance with his book, and borrows themes largely from it This is the poetical Romance of Bauduin de Sebourc, an exceedingly clever and vivacious production, partaking largely of that bantering, half-mocking spirit which is, I believe, characteristic of many of the later mediaeval French Romances.[14] Bauduin is a knight who, after a very wild and loose youth, goes through an extraordinary series of adventures, displaying great faith and courage, and eventually becomes King of Jerusalem. I will cite some of the traits evidently derived from our Traveller, which I have met with in a short examination of this curious work.

Bauduin, embarked on a dromond in the Indian Sea, is wrecked in the territory of Baudas, and near a city called Falise, which stands on the River of Baudas. The people of this city were an unbelieving race.

"Il ne creoient Dieu, Mahon, ne Tervogant, Ydole, cruchefis, deable, ne tirant." P. 300.

Their only belief was this, that when a man died a great fire should be made beside his tomb, in which should be burned all his clothes, arms, and necessary furniture, whilst his horse and servant should be put to death, and then the dead man would have the benefit of all these useful properties in the other world.[15] Moreover, if it was the king that died--

"Se li rois de la terre i aloit trespa.s.sant, * * * * *

Si fasoit-on tuer, .viij. jour en un tenant, Tout chiaus c'on encontroit par la chite pa.s.sant, Pour tenir compaingnie leur segnor soffisant.

Telle estoit le creanche ou pas dont je cant!"[16] P. 301.

Baudin arrives when the king has been dead three days, and through dread of this custom all the people of the city are shut up in their houses. He enters an inn, and helps himself to a vast repast, having been fasting for three days. He is then seized and carried before the king, Polibans by name. We might have quoted this prince at p. 87 as an instance of the diffusion of the French tongue:

"Polibans sot Fransois, car on le doctrina: j. renoies de Franche. vij. ans i demora, Qui li aprist Fransois, si que bel en parla." P. 309.

Bauduin exclaims against their barbarous belief, and declares the Christian doctrine to the king, who acknowledges good points in it, but concludes:

"Va.s.saus, dist Polibans, a le chiere hardie, Ja ne crerrai vou Dieux, a nul jour de ma vie; Ne vostre Loy ne vaut une pomme pourie!" P. 311.

Bauduin proposes to prove his Faith by fighting the prince, himself unarmed, the latter with all his arms. The prince agrees, but is rather dismayed at Bauduin's confidence, and desires his followers, in case of his own death, to burn with him horses, armour, etc., asking at the same time which of them would consent to burn along with him, in order to be his companions in the other world:

"La en i ot. ij'e. dont cascuns s'escria: Nous morons volentiers, quant vo corps mort sara!"[17] P. 313.

Bauduin's prayer for help is miraculously granted; Polibans is beaten, and converted by a vision. He tells Bauduin that in his neighbourhood, beyond Baudas--

"ou. v. liewes, ou. vi.

Che un felles prinches, orgoellieus et despis; De la Rouge-Montaingne est Prinches et Marchis.

Or vous dirai comment il a ses gens nouris: Je vous di que chius Roys a fait un Paradis Tant n.o.ble et gratieus, et plain de tels deliis, * * * * *

Car en che Paradis est un riex establis, Qui se partist en trois, en che n.o.ble pourpris: En l'un coert li clares, d'espises bien garnis; Et en l'autre li mies, qui les a resouffis; Et li vins di pieument i queurt par droit avis-- * * * * *

Il n'i vente, ne gele. Che lies est de samis, De riches dras de soie, bien ouvres a devis.

Et aveukes tout che que je chi vous devis, I a. ij'e puch.e.l.les qui moult ont cler les vis, Carolans et tresquans, menans gales et ris.

Et si est li dieuesse, dame et suppellatis, Qui doctrine les autres et en fais et en dis, Celle est la fille au Roy c'on dist des _Haus-a.s.sis_."[18]

Pp. 319-320.

This Lady Ivorine, the Old Man's daughter, is described among other points as having--

"Les iex vairs com faucons, n.o.bles et agentis."[19] P. 320.

The King of the Mountain collects all the young male children of the country, and has them brought up for nine or ten years:

"Dedens un lieu oscur: la les met-on toudis Aveukes males bestes; kiens, et cas, et soris, Culoeres, et lisaerdes, escorpions petis.

La endroit ne peut nuls avoir joie, ne ris." Pp. 320-321.

And after this dreary life they are shown the Paradise, and told that such shall be their portion if they do their Lord's behest.

"S'il disoit a son homme: 'Va-t-ent droit a Paris; Si me fier d'un coutel le Roy de Saint Denis, Jamais n'aresteroit, ne par nuit ne par dis, S'aroit tue le Roy, voant tous ches marchis; Et deuist estre a fources tranes et mal mis.'" P. 321.

Bauduin determines to see this Paradise and the lovely Ivorine. The road led by Baudas:

"Or avoit a che tamps, se l'istoire ne ment, En le chit de Baudas Kristiens jusqu' a cent; Qui manonent illoec par treu d'argent, Que cascuns cristiens au Roy-Calife rent.

Li peres du Calife, qui regna longement, Ama les Crestiens, et Dieu primierement: * * * * *

Et lor fist establir. j. monstier n.o.ble et gent, Ou Crestien faisoient faire lor sacrement.

Une mout n.o.ble piere lor donna proprement, Ou on avoit pose Mahon moult longement."[20] P. 322.

The story is, in fact, that which Marco relates of Samarkand.[21] The Caliph dies. His son hates the Christians. His people complain of the toleration of the Christians and their minister; but he says his father had pledged him not to interfere, and he dared not forswear himself. If, without doing so, he could do them an ill turn, he would gladly. The people then suggest their claim to the stone:

"Or leur donna vos peres, dont che fu mesprisons.

Ceste pierre, biaus Sire, Crestiens demandons: Il ne le porront rendre, pour vrai le vous disons, Si li monstiers n'est mis et par pieches et par mons; Et s'il estoit desfais, jamais ne le larons Refaire chi-endroit. Ens.e.m.e.nt averons Faites et acomplies nostres ententions." P. 324.