The Life of John Marshall Volume II Part 18

[365] _Ib._ A pa.s.sage in this letter clearly shows the Federalist opinion of the young Republican Party and suggests the economic line dividing it from the Federalists. "In the present crisis Mr. H.[enry]

may reasonably be calculated on as taking the side of Government, even though he may retain his old prejudices against the Const.i.tution. He has indubitably an abhorrence of Anarchy.... We know too that he is improving his fortune fast, which must additionally attach him to the existing Government & order, the only Guarantees of property. Add to all this, that he has no affection for the present leaders of the opposition in Virg^a." (Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Oct. 13, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.)

[366] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Oct. 20, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.

Carrington's correspondence shows that everything was done on Marshall's judgment and that Marshall himself personally handled most of the negotiations. (See _ib._, Oct. 28; Oct. 30, 1795.)

[367] _American Remembrancer_, i, 21 _et seq._ John Thompson was nineteen years old when he delivered this address. His extravagant rhetoric rather than his solid argument is quoted in the text as better ill.u.s.trating the public temper and prevailing style of oratory. (See sketch of this remarkable young Virginian, _infra_, chap. X.)

[368] A favorite Republican charge was that the treaty would separate us from France and tie us to Great Britain: "A treaty which children cannot read without discovering that it tends to disunite us from our present ally, and unite us to a government which we abhor, detest and despise."

("An Old Soldier of '76"; _American Remembrancer_, ii, 281.)

[369] _American Remembrancer_, i, 27.

[370] See _infra_, chap. V.

[371] Ames to Gore, March 11, 1796; _Works_: Ames, i, 189.

[372] _Annals_, 4th Cong., 1st Sess., 1033-34.

[373] _Ib._, 1063. See Anderson, 41-43. As one of the purchasers of the Fairfax estate, Marshall had a personal interest in the Jay Treaty, though it does not appear that this influenced him in his support of it.

[374] The voting was _viva voce_. See _infra_, chap. X.

[375] Undoubtedly this gentleman was one of the perturbed Federalist managers.

[376] _North American Review_, xxvi, 22. While this story seems improbable, no evidence has appeared which throws doubt upon it. At any rate, it serves to ill.u.s.trate Marshall's astonis.h.i.+ng popularity.

[377] Carrington's reports to Was.h.i.+ngton were often absurd in their optimistic inaccuracy. They are typical of those which faithful office-holding politicians habitually make to the appointing power. For instance, Carrington told Was.h.i.+ngton in 1791 that, after traveling all over Virginia as United States Marshal and Collector of Internal Revenue, he was sure the people were content with a.s.sumption and the whiskey tax (Was.h.i.+ngton's _Diary_: Lossing, footnote to 166), when, as a matter of fact, the State was boiling with opposition to those very measures.

[378] The mingling, in the Republican mind, of the Jay Treaty, Neutrality, unfriendliness to France, and the Federalist Party is ill.u.s.trated in a toast at a dinner in Lexington, Virginia, to Senator Brown, who had voted against the treaty: "The French Republic--May every power or party who would attempt to throw any obstacle in the way of its independence or happiness receive the reward due to corruption."

(_Richmond and Manchester Advertiser_, Oct. 15, 1795.)

[379] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Nov. 10, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.

[380] _Ib._, Nov. 13, 1795; MS.; Lib. Cong.

[381] The resolution "was warmly agitated three whole days." (Randolph to Jefferson, Nov. 22, 1795; _Works_: Ford, viii, footnote to 197.)

[382] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Nov. 20, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.

[383] See debates; _Annals_, 4th Cong., 1st Sess., 423-1291; also see Petersburg Resolutions; _American Remembrancer_, i, 102-07.

[384] Thompson's address, Aug. 1, 1795, at Petersburg; _ib._, 21 _et seq._

[385] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Nov. 20, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.

[386] Randolph to Jefferson, Nov. 22, 1795; _Works_: Ford, viii, footnote to 197.

[387] Randolph to Jefferson, Nov. 22, 1795; _Works_: Ford, viii, footnote to 197.

[388] _Ib._

[389] _Ib._ See Hamilton's dissertation on the treaty-making power in numbers 36, 37, 38, of his "Camillus"; _Works_: Lodge, vi, 160-97.

[390] Marshall to Hamilton, April 25, 1796; _Works_: Hamilton, vi, 109.

[391] Randolph to Jefferson, Nov. 22, 1795; _Works_: Ford, viii, 198.

[392] Journal, H.D. (Nov. 20, 1795), 27-28.

[393] Journal, H.D. (Nov. 20, 1795), 28.

[394] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Nov. 20, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.

[395] The italics are mine. "The word 'wisdom' in expressing the confidence of the House in the P.[resident] was so artfully introduced that if the fraudulent design had not been detected in time the vote of the House, as to its effect upon the P. would have been entirely done away.... A resolution so worded as to acquit the P. of all evil intention, but at the same time silently censuring his error, was pa.s.sed by a majority of 33." (Letter of Jefferson's son-in-law, enclosed by Jefferson to Madison; _Works_: Ford, viii, footnote to 198.)

[396] Journal, H.D. (Nov. 21, 1795), 29.

[397] _Ib._

[398] Journal, H.D. (Nov. 21, 1795), 29.

[399] Jefferson to Madison, Nov. 26, 1795; _Works_: Ford, viii, 197-98.

[400] Randall, ii, 36.

[401] Journal, H.D. (1795), 72.

[402] Journal, H.D. (1795), 50.

[403] _Ib._, 53.

[404] _Ib._, 79.

[405] _Ib._, 90.

[406] _Ib._, 91-92.

[407] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Dec. 6, 1795; MS., Lib. Cong.

[408] Journal, H.D. (Dec. 12, 1795), 91-92.

[409] Carrington to Was.h.i.+ngton, Feb. 24, 1796; MS., Lib. Cong.

[410] Dodd, 39.

[411] Lee to Was.h.i.+ngton, July 7, 1796; _Writings_: Sparks, xi, 487.

[412] Was.h.i.+ngton to Marshall, July 8, 1796; Was.h.i.+ngton MSS., Lib. Cong.