Dio's Rome Volume VI Part 16

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u. 553_)]62. [The Carthaginians made overtures for peace to Scipio. The terms agreed upon were, that they should give hostages, should return the captives and deserters they were holding (whether of the Romans or of the allies), should surrender all the elephants and the triremes (save ten), and for the future possess neither elephants nor s.h.i.+ps, should withdraw from all territory of Masinissa that they were holding and restore to him the country and the cities that were properly in his domain, that they should not hold levies, nor use mercenaries, nor make war upon any one contrary to the advice and consent of the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

63. -- It seemed to Cornelius [Footnote: _Cu. Cornelius Lentulus_.] the consul, as well as to many other Romans, that Carthage ought to be destroyed, and he was wont to say that it was impossible, while that city existed, for them to be free from fear. (Ursinus, p. 381. Cp.

Zonaras, 9, 14.)

64. In the popular a.s.sembly, however, [lacuna] all unanimously voted for peace. [_About three obscure lines (fragmentary) follow_.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] And of the elephants the larger number were carried off to Rome, and the rest were presented to Masinissa.

[lacuna] of Carthaginians. And they themselves, immediately after the ratification of the peace, abandoned Italy, and the Romans, Libya. The Carthaginians who sent commissioners to Rome were allowed by the Romans to contribute for the benefit of the captives severally related to them; and about two hundred of them were sent back without ransoms to Scipio [lacuna] after the treaty [lacuna] and friends.h.i.+p [lacuna] confirmed; and they granted peace [lacuna] [Two fragmentary lines.]

Scipio accordingly attained great prominence by these deeds, but Hannibal was even brought to trial by his own people; he was accused of having refused to capture Rome when he was able to do so, and of having appropriated the plunder in Italy. He was not, however, convicted, but was shortly after entrusted with the highest office in Carthage [lacuna]

[One fragmentary line.] (Paris Fragment, p. 462. Zonaras, 9, 14. Livy, 30:42, 43, 45.) [Frag. LVII]

1[lacuna]. Marcus [lacuna] sent to Philip by the generals [lacuna] from them either [lacuna] was successful; emba.s.sy [lacuna] of Philip and [lacuna] and some [lacuna] which he himself [lacuna] had sent to the Carthaginians [lacuna] not at all peace [lacuna] having vanquished [lacuna] enemies by the [lacuna] rendered them of no less importance in reputation. (Paris Fragment, p. 463. Cp. Zonaras, 9. 15 = Livy 30:42.)

[Frag. LVII]

2. I found the Dardanians to be a race dwelling above the Illyrians and Macedonians. And the city of Darda.n.u.s is there. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 1128. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]3. And they [Footnote: I.e., the Romans and the Macedonians.]delayed for several days, not meeting in battle array but conducting skirmishes and sallies of the light-armed troops and the horse. The Romans, for their part, were eager to join battle with all speed: their force was a strong one, they had little provision, and consequently would often go up to the foe's palisade. Philip, on the other hand, was weaker in point of armed followers, but his supply of provisions was better than theirs because his own country was close by; so he waited, expecting that they would become exhausted without a conflict, and if he had possessed self-control he certainly would have accomplished something. As it was, he acquired a contempt for the Romans, thinking that they feared him because they had transferred their camp to a certain spot from which they could get food better: he thereupon attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in plundering and managed to kill a few. Galba on perceiving this made a sortie from the camp, fell upon him while off his guard, and slew many more in return. Philip, in view of his defeat and the further fact that he was wounded, no longer held his position but after a truce of some days for the taking up and burial of the corpses withdrew the first part of the night. Galba, however, did not follow him up; he was short of provisions, he did not know the country, and particularly he was ignorant of his adversary's strength; he was also afraid that if he advanced inconsiderately he might come to grief. For these reasons he was unwilling to proceed farther, but retired to Apollonia.

During this same time Apustius with the Rhodians and with Attalus cruised about and subjugated many of the islands [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 464. Zonaras, 9, 15. Cp. Livy, 31:21 ff.)

4. The Insubres were thrown into confusion. For Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, who had made a campaign with Mago and remained secretly in those regions, after a term of quiet, during which he was satisfied merely to elude discovery, as soon as the Macedonian war broke out, caused the Gauls to revolt from the Romans; then in company with the rebels he made an expedition against the Ligurians and won over some of them. Later they had a battle with the praetor Lucius Furius, were defeated, and sent envoys asking peace. This the Ligurians obtained; then others [lacuna] [Five fragmentary lines.] (Paris Fragment, p. 465.

Zonaras, 9, 15.)

5[lacuna]. he thought he ought to be granted a triumph, and many arguments were presented on both sides. Some, especially in view of the malignity of Aurelius, eagerly furthered his cause and magnified his victory, using many ill.u.s.trations. Others declared he had contended with the help of the consular army and had no individual and independent appointment, and furthermore they even demanded an accounting from him because he had not carried out his instructions. However, he won his point. And he in that place [lacuna] before Aurelius [lacuna] Vermis [lacuna] from the [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Cp. Livy, 31:47 ff.)

[Frag. LVIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] -- Philip after his defeat sent heralds to Flamininus. The latter, however eagerly he coveted Macedonia and desired the fullest results from his good fortune of the moment, nevertheless made a truce. The cause lay in the fear that, if Philip were out of the way, the Greeks might recover their ancient spirit and no longer pay them court, that the aetolians, already filled with great boasting because they had contributed the largest share to the victory, might become more vexatious to them, and that Antiochus might, as was reported, come to Europe and form an alliance with Philip. (Ursinus, p.

381. Zonaras, 9, 16.)

[Frag. LIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._ 562)] 1. -- Antiochus and his generals were ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and his pa.s.sion for a certain girl he had drifted into luxurious living and had at the same time rendered the rest unfit for warfare. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 19.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] 2. -- Seleucus [Footnote: Probably an error of the excerptor, for Antiochus himself.] the son of Antiochus captured the son of Africa.n.u.s, who was sailing across from Greece, and had given him the kindest treatment. Although his father many times requested the privilege of ransoming him, his captor refused, yet did him no harm: on the contrary, he showed him every honor and finally, though he failed of securing peace, released him without ransom.

(Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)

[Frag. LX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] -- Many were jealous of the Scipios because the two brothers of excellent stock and trained in virtue had accomplished all that has been related and had secured such t.i.tles. That these victors could not be charged with wrongdoing is made plain by my former statements and was shown still more conclusively on the occasion of the confiscation of the property of Asiaticus,--which was found to consist merely of his original inheritance,--or again by the retirement of Africa.n.u.s to Liternum and the security that he enjoyed there to the end of his life. At first he did appear in court, [Footnote: Political enemies of P. Cornelius Scipio Africa.n.u.s summoned him to court on trumped-up charges.] thinking that he would be saved by the genuineness of his good behavior. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)

[Frag. LXI]

-- The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had spent some time in the possessions of the vanquished amid the abundance of spoils and the license granted by success in arms, rapidly came to emulate their prodigality and ere long to trample under foot their ancestral traditions. Thus this terrible influence, arising from that source, fell also upon the city. (Valesius, p. 609.)

[Frag. LXII]

-- Gracchus was thoroughly a man of the people and a very fluent public speaker, but his disposition was very different from Cato's. Although he had an enmity of long standing against the Scipios, he would not endure what was taking place but spoke in defence of Africa.n.u.s, who was accused while absent, and exerted himself to prevent any smirch from attaching to that leader; and he prevented the imprisonment of Asiaticus. Consequently the Scipios, too, relinquished their hatred of him and made a family alliance, Africa.n.u.s bestowing upon him his own daughter. (Valesius, p. 610.)

[Frag. LXIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] -- Some youths who had insulted the Carthaginian envoys that had come to Rome were sent to Carthage and delivered up to the people; they received no injury, however, at the hands of the citizens and were released. (Ursinus, p. 381.)

[Frag. LXIV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] -- He himself [i.e. Hannibal] died by drinking poison near Bithynia, in a certain place called Libyssa by name; though he thought to die in Libyssa his own proper country. For an oracle had once been written down for Hannibal to the following effect: "A Libyssan clod shall hide the form of Hannibal." Later the Roman Emperor Severus, being of Libyan birth, interred in a tomb of white marble this man, the general Hannibal. (Tzetzes. Hist. 1, 798-805. Cp.

Zonaras, 9, 21.)

[Frag. LXV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] 1. -- Perseus hoped to eject the Romans from Greece completely, but through his excessive and inopportune parsimony and the consequent contempt of his allies he became weak once more. When Roman influence was declining slightly and his own was increasing, he was filled with scorn and thought he had no further need of his allies, but believed that either they would a.s.sist him free of cost or he could prevail by himself. Hence he paid neither Eumenes nor Gentius the money that he had promised, thinking that they must have reasons of their own strong enough to insure hostility towards the Romans. These princes, therefore, and the Thrasians--they, too, were not receiving their full pay--became indifferent; and Perseus fell into such depths of despair again as actually to sue for peace. (Valesius, p. 610.

Zonaras, 9, 22.)

2. -- Perseus sued for peace at the hands of the Romans, and would have obtained it but for the presence in his emba.s.sy of the Rhodians, who joined it through fear that a rival to the Romans might be annihilated.

Their language had none of the moderation which pet.i.tioners should employ, and they talked as if they were not so much asking peace for Perseus as bestowing it, and adopted a generally haughty tone: finally they threatened those who should be responsible for their failing to come to a satisfactory agreement by saying that they would fight on the opposite side. They had previously been somewhat under the ban of Roman suspicion, but after this many more hard things were said of them and they prevented Perseus from obtaining peace. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 22.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)]3. -- When Perseus was in the temple at Samothrace, a demand was made upon him for the surrender of one Evander, of Cretan stock, a most faithful follower who had a.s.sisted him in many schemes against the Romans and had helped to concoct the plot carried out at Delphi against Eumenes. The prince, fearing that he might declare all the intrigues to which he had been privy, did not deliver him but secretly slew him and spread abroad the report that he had made way with himself in advance. The a.s.sociates of Perseus, fearing his treachery and blood-guiltiness, then began to desert his standard. (Valesius, p.

610. Zonaras, 9, 23.)

4. -- Perseus allowed himself [Footnote: Cp. Livy, XLV, 6.] to be found, and upon his being brought to Amphipolis Paulus accorded him no harsh treatment by deed or word, but on the contrary made way for him when he approached, entertained him in various ways and had him sit at his table, keeping him, meanwhile, although a prisoner, unconfined and showing him every courtesy. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 23.)

[Frag. LXVI]

-- Paulus was not only good at generals.h.i.+p but most inaccessible to bribes. Of this the following is proof. Though he had at that time entered for a second term upon the consuls.h.i.+p and had gained possession of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great indigence that when he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to his wife. Such was the nature of the man and such were his deeds. The only thing regarded as a blemish that attaches to his character is his turning over the possessions [of the Epirots?] to his soldiers for pillage: for the rest, he showed himself a man not devoid of charm and temperate in good fortune, who was seen to be extremely lucky and at the same time full of wise counsel in dealing with the enemy. As an ill.u.s.tration: he was not cowardly or heedless in waging war against Perseus, but afterward did not a.s.sume a pompous or boastful air toward him. (Valesius, p. 613.

Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXVII]

1. -- The Rhodians, who formerly had possessed a vast amount of self-esteem, thinking that they, too, ranked as conquerors of Philip and Antiochus, and were stronger than the Romans, fell into such depths of terror as to despatch an amba.s.sador to Antiochus, king of Syria, and summon Popilius, in whose presence they condemned all those opposed to the Roman policy and then sent such as were arrested to punishment.

(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

2. -- The same persons, though they had often sent envoys to them, as frequently as they wanted anything, now ceased to bring to their attention any of the former enterprises, but mentioned only those cases which they could cite pertaining to services once rendered which might be useful in diverting Roman ill-will. They were especially anxious at this time to secure the t.i.tle of Roman allies. Previously they had refused to accept it. They had wished to inspire some fear in Rome,--for, not being bound to friends.h.i.+p by any oath, they had power to transfer their allegiance at any time,--and furthermore to be courted by such states as from time to time might be engaged in war with that city.

But now they were looking to confirm the favor of the Romans and to the consequent honor that was sure to be accorded to them by others.

(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXVIII]

-- Prusias himself entered the senate-house at Rome and covered the threshold with kisses. The senators he termed G.o.ds, and wors.h.i.+ped them.

Thus, then, he obtained an abundance of pity, though he had fought against Attalus contrary to the Roman decision. It was said that at home, too, whenever their envoys came to him, he wors.h.i.+ped them, calling himself a freedman of the people, and often he would put on a slave's cap. (Ursinus, p. 383. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] -- Scipio Africa.n.u.s excelled in planning out at leisure the requisite course, but excelled also in discovering at a moment's notice what needed to be done, and knew how to employ either method on the proper occasion. The duties that lay before him he reviewed boldly but accomplished their fulfillment as if with timidity. Therefore by his fearless detailed investigation he obtained accurate knowledge of the fitting action in every emergency, and by his good judgment in doubtful cases met these emergencies safely.

Consequently, if he was ever brought face to face with some need that admitted of no deliberation,--as is wont to happen in the contradictions of warfare and the turns of fortune--not even then did he miss the proper course. Through accustoming himself to regard no happening as unreasonable he was not unprepared for the a.s.sault of sudden events, but through his incessant activity was able to meet the unexpected as if he had forseen it long before. As a result he showed himself daring in matters where he felt he was right, and ready to run risks where he felt bold. In bodily frame he was strong as the best of the soldiers. This led to one of his most remarkable characteristics: he would devise movements that looked advantageous as if he were merely going to command others, and at the time of action would execute them as if they had been ordered by others. Besides not swerving from the ordinary paths of rect.i.tude, he kept faith scrupulously not only with the citizens and his acquaintances, but with foreign and most hostile nations. This, too, brought many individuals as well as many cities to his standard. He never spoke or acted without due consideration or through anger or fear, but as a result of the certainty of his calculations he was ready for all chances: he had thought out practically all human possibilities; he never did anything unexpected, but deliberated every matter beforehand, according to its nature. Thus he perceived very easily the right course to follow even before there was any necessity, and pursued it with firmness.

These are the reasons, or chiefly these--I should mention also his moderation and amiability--that he alone of men escaped the envy of his peers, or of any one else. He chose to make himself like to his inferiors, not better than his equals, weaker than greater men, and so pa.s.sed beyond the power of jealousy, which hara.s.ses only the n.o.blest men. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 27.)