The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Omnibus Part 123

SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 1st instant, in which you again refer to the publication of the Correspondence between us, in relation to the measures and designs of the abolitionists. I would have certainly answered yours of the 2d ult., on the same subject, more fully before this, had it not escaped my recollection, in consequence [of] having been more engaged than usual in the business before the House. I hope the delay has been productive of no inconvenience.

If I correctly understand your letters above referred to, the control of these papers, and the decision as to their publication, have pa.s.sed into the 'Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society;' and, from their tenor, I infer that their determination is so far made, that nothing I could object would prevent it, if I desired to do so. I was certainly not apprised, when I entered into this Correspondence, that its disposition was to depend on any other will than yours and mine,--but that matters nothing now,--you had the power, and I am not disposed to question the right or propriety of its exercise. I heard of you as a man of intelligence, sincerity, and truth,--who, although laboring in a bad cause, did it with ability, and from a mistaken conviction of its justice. As one of the Representatives of a slave-holding const.i.tuency, and one of a committee raised by the Representatives of the slave-holding States, to ascertain the intentions and progress of your a.s.sociations, I availed myself of the opportunity offered by your character and situation, to propose to you inquiries _as to facts_, which would make those _developments so important to be known by our people_. My inquiries were framed to draw out _full and authentic details_ of the organization, numbers, resources, and designs of the abolitionists, of the means they resorted to for the accomplishment of their ends, and the progress made, and making, in their dangerous work, that all such information might be laid before the _four millions and a half of white inhabitants in the slave States, whose lives and property are menaced and endangered_ by this ill-considered, misnamed, and disorganizing philanthropy. They should be informed of the full length and breadth and depth of this storm which is gathering over their heads, before it breaks in its desolating fury. Christians and civilized, they are _now_ industrious, prosperous, and happy; but should your schemes of abolition prevail, it will bring upon them overwhelming ruin, and misery unutterable. The two races cannot exist together upon terms of equality--the extirpation of one and the ruin of the other _would be inevitable_. This humanity, conceived in wrong and born in civil strife, would be baptized in a people's blood. It was, that our people might know, in time to guard against the mad onset, the full extent of this gigantic conspiracy and crusade against their inst.i.tutions; and of necessity upon their lives with which they must sustain them; and their fortunes and prosperity, which _exist only while these inst.i.tutions exist_, that I was induced to enter into a correspondence with you, who by your official station and intelligence were known to be well informed on these points, and from your well established character for candor and fairness, would make no statements of facts which were not known or believed by you to be true. To a great extent, my end has been accomplished by your replies to my inquiries. How far, or whether at all, your answers have run, beyond _the facts inquired for_, into theories, arguments, and dissertations, as erroneous as mischievous, is not a matter of present consideration. We differed no wider than I expected, but that difference has been exhibited courteously, and has nothing to do with the question of publication. Your object, or rather the object of your Committee, is to publish; and I, having no reason to desire it, as you have put me in possession of the facts I wished, and no reason not to desire it, as there is nothing to conceal, will leave yourself and the Committee to take your own course, neither a.s.senting nor dissenting, in what you may finally decide to do.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

F.H. Elmore."

[This letter of Mr. Elmore contains but little more than a reiteration of alarming cries on the part of the slaveholder;--cries that are as old as the earliest attempts of philanthropy to break the fetters of the enslaved, and that have been repeated up to the present day, with a boldness that seems to increase, as instances of emanc.i.p.ation multiply to prove them groundless. Those who utter them seem, in their panic, not only to overlook the most obvious laws of the human mind, and the lights of experience, but to be almost unconscious of the great events connected with slavery, that are now pa.s.sing around them in the world, and conspiring to bring about its early abrogation among all civilized and commercial nations.

However _Christian, and civilized, industrious, prosperous and happy_, the SLAVEHOLDERS of the South may be, this cannot be said of the SLAVES.

A large religious denomination of the state in which Mr. Elmore resides, has deliberately p.r.o.nounced them to be "HEATHEN." _Their_ "industry" is seen at the end of the lash--of "prosperity" they have none, for they cannot possess any thing that is an element of prosperity--their "happiness" they prove, by running away from their masters, whenever they think they can effect their escape. This is the condition of a large _majority_ of the people in South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana.

The "two races" exist in peace in Mexico,--in all the former South American dependencies of Spain, in Antigua, in the Bermudas, in Canada, in Ma.s.sachusetts, in Vermont, in fine, in every country where they enjoy _legal equality_. It is the _denial_ of this that produces discontent.

MEN will never be satisfied without it. Let the slaveholders consult the irreversible laws of the human mind--make a full concession of right to those from whom they have withheld it, and they will be blessed with a peace, political, social, moral, beyond their present conceptions; without such concessions they never can possess it.

A system that cannot withstand the a.s.saults of truth--that replies to arguments with threats--that cannot be "talked about"--that flourishes in secrecy and darkness, and dies when brought forth into the light and examined, must in this time of inexorable scrutiny and relentless agitation, be a dangerous one. If _justice_ be done, all necessity for the extirpation of any part of the people will at once be removed.

Baptisms _of blood_ are seen only when humanity has failed in her offices, and the suffering discern hope only in the brute efforts of despair.

Mr. Elmore is doubtless well versed in general history. To his vigorous declamation, I reply by asking, if he can produce from the history of our race a single instance, where emanc.i.p.ation, full and immediate, has been followed, as a legitimate consequence, by insurrection or bloodshed. I may go further, and ask him for a well authenticated instance, where an emanc.i.p.ated slave, singly has imbrued his hands in his master's blood. The first record of such an act in modern times, is yet to be made.

Mr. Elmore says "the white inhabitants in the slave states should be informed of the full length and breadth and depth of this storm which is gathering over their heads, before it breaks in its desolating fury." In this sentiment there is not a reasonable man in the country, be he abolitionist or not, who will not coincide with him. We rejoice at the evidence we here have, in a gentleman of the influence and intelligence of Mr. Elmore, of the returning sanity of the South. How wildly and mischievously has she been heretofore misled! Whilst the Governors of Virginia, Alabama, Tennessee and Arkansas, have been repelling offers, made in respectful terms, of the fullest and most authentic accounts of our movements; and whilst Governor Butler of South Carolina, has not only followed the example of his gubernatorial brethren just named, but is found corresponding with an obscure culprit in Ma.s.sachusetts--bribing him with a few dollars, the sum he demanded for his fraudulent promise to aid in thwarting the abolitionists[A]; whilst too, Mr. Calhoun has been willing to pa.s.s laws to shut out from his const.i.tuents and the South generally information that concerned them more nearly than all others--we now have it from the highest source, from one selected by a state delegation as its _representative_ in a general committee of the whole slaveholding delegations, that the South ought to be "_informed of the full length and breadth and depth_" of the measures, intentions, &c, of the abolitionists. At this there is not an abolitionist who will not rejoice. We ask for nothing but access to the popular mind of the South.

We feel full confidence in the eternal rect.i.tude of our principles, and of their reception at the South, when once they are understood. Let the conflict come, let the truth of liberty fairly enter the lists with the error of slavery, and we have not a doubt of a glorious triumph.

[Footnote A: Appendix H.]

May we not, after this, expect the aid of Mr. Elmore and others of equal distinction in the South, in giving to their fellow-citizens the information that we have always believed, and that they now acknowledge, to be so, important to them?

_May 24, 1838_.

JAMES G. BIRNEY.]

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX A.

Extract from an article addressed to the editor of the Christian Register and Observer, signed W.E.C.--attributed to the Rev.

Dr. Channing.

"Speaking of slavery, I wish to recommend to your readers a book just from the press, ent.i.tled 'Emanc.i.p.ation in the West Indies,' and written by J. A. Thome and J.H. Kimball, who had visited those islands to inquire into the great experiment now going on there. I regard it as the most important work which has appeared among us for years. No man, without reading it, should undertake to pa.s.s judgment on Emanc.i.p.ation. It is something more than a report of the observation and opinions of the writers. It consists, chiefly, of the opinions, conversations, letters, and other doc.u.ments of the very inhabitants of the islands whose judgments are most trust-worthy; of the governors, special magistrates, police officers, managers, attorneys, physicians, &c; and, in most cases, the names of these individuals are given, so that we have the strongest evidence of the correctness of the work.

The results of this great experiment surpa.s.s what the most sanguine could have hoped. It is hardly possible that the trial could have been made under more unfavorable circ.u.mstances. The planters on all the islands were opposed to the Act of Emanc.i.p.ation, and, in most, exceedingly and fiercely hostile to it, and utterly indisposed to give it the best chance of success. The disproportion of the colored race to the whites was fearfully great, being that of seven or eight to one; whilst, in our slaveholding states, the whites outnumber the colored people. The slaves of the West Indies were less civilized than ours, and less fit to be trusted with their own support.

Another great evil was, that the proprietors, to a considerable extent, were absentees; residing in England, and leaving the care of their estates and slaves to managers and owners; the last people for such a trust, and utterly unfit to carry the wretched victims of their tyranny through the solemn transition from slavery to freedom.

To complete the unhappy circ.u.mstances under which the experiment began, the Act of Emanc.i.p.ation was pa.s.sed by a distant government, having no intimate knowledge of the subject; and the consequence was, that a system of 'Apprentices.h.i.+p,' as it was called, was adopted, so absurd, and betraying such ignorance of the principles of human nature, that, did we not know otherwise, we might suspect its author of intending to produce a failure. It was to witness the results of an experiment promising so little good, that our authors visited three islands, particularly worthy of examination--Antigua, Barbadoes, and Jamaica.

Our authors went first to Antigua, an island which had been wise enough to foresee the mischiefs of the proposed apprentices.h.i.+p, and had subst.i.tuted for it immediate and unqualified emanc.i.p.ation. The report given of this island is most cheering. It is, indeed, one of the brightest records in history. The account, beginning page 143, of the transition from slavery to freedom, can hardly be read by a man of ordinary sensibility without a thrill of tender and holy joy.

Why is it not published in all our newspapers as among the most interesting events of our age? From the accounts of Antigua, it appears that immediate emanc.i.p.ation has produced only good. Its fruits are, greater security, the removal of the fears which accompany slavery, better and cheaper cultivation of the soil, increased value of real estate, improved morals, more frequent marriages, and fewer crimes. _The people proclaim, with one voice, that emanc.i.p.ation is a blessing, and that nothing would tempt than to revert to slavery._

Our authors proceeded next to Barbadoes, where the apprentices.h.i.+p system is in operation; and if any proof were needed of the docility and good dispositions of the negroes, it would be found in their acquiescence to so wonderful a degree in this unhappy arrangement.

The planters on this island have been more disposed, than could have been antic.i.p.ated, to make the best of this system, and here, accordingly, the same fruits of the Act of Emanc.i.p.ation are found as in Antigua, though less abundant; and a very general and strong conviction prevails of the happiness of the change.

In Jamaica, apprentices.h.i.+p manifests its worst tendencies. The planters of this island were, from first to last, furious in their hostility to the act of emanc.i.p.ation; and the effort seems to have been, to make the apprentices.h.i.+p bear as heavily as possible on the colored people; so that, instead of preparing them for complete emanc.i.p.ation, it has rather unfitted them for this boon. Still, under all these disadvantages, there is strong reason for expecting, that emanc.i.p.ation, when it shall come, will prove a great good. At any rate, it is hardly possible for the slaves to fall into a more deplorable condition, than that in which this interposition of parliament found them.

The degree of success which has attended this experiment in the West Indies, under such unfavorable auspices, makes us sure, that emanc.i.p.ation in this country, accorded by the good will of the masters, would be attended with the happiest effects. One thing is plain, that it would be perfectly _safe_. Never were the West Indies so peaceful and secure as since emanc.i.p.ation. So far from general ma.s.sacre and insurrection, not an instance is recorded or intimated of violence of any kind being offered to a white man. Our authors were continually met by a.s.surances of security on the part of the planters, so that, in this respect at least, emanc.i.p.ation has been unspeakable gain. The only obstacle to emanc.i.p.ation is, therefore, removed; for nothing but well grounded fears of violence and crime can authorize a man to encroach one moment on another's freedom.

The subject of this book is of great interest at the present moment. Slavery, in the abstract, has been thoroughly discussed among us. We all agree that it is a great wrong. Not a voice is here lifted up in defence of the system, when viewed in a general light.

We only differ when we come to apply our principles to a particular case. The only question is, whether the Southern states can abolish slavery consistently with the public safety, order, and peace? Many, very many well disposed people, both at the North and South, are possessed with vague fears of ma.s.sacre and universal misrule, as the consequences of emanc.i.p.ation. Such ought to inquire into the ground of their alarm. They are bound to listen to the voice of _facts_, and such are given in this book. None of us have a right to make up our minds without inquiry, or to rest in opinions adopted indolently and without thought. It is a great crime to doom millions of our race to brutal degradation, on the ground of unreasonable fears. The power of public opinion is here irresistible, and to this power every man contributes something; so that every man, by his spirit and language, helps to loosen or rivet the chains of the slave."

The following sentiments are expressed by GOVERNOR EVERETT, of Ma.s.sachusetts, in a letter to EDMUND QUINCY, Esq., dated

"Boston, April 29, 1838.

DEAR SIR,--I have your favor of the 21st, accompanied with the volume containing the account of the tour of Messrs. Thome and Kimball in the West Indies, for which you will be pleased to accept my thanks. I have perused this highly interesting narrative with the greatest satisfaction. From the moment of the pa.s.sage of the law, making provision for the immediate or prospective abolition of slavery in the British colonial possessions, I have looked with the deepest solicitude for tidings of its operation. The success of the measure, as it seemed to me, would afford a better hope than had before existed, that a like blessing might be enjoyed by those portions of the United States where slavery prevails. The only ground on which I had been accustomed to hear the continuance of slavery defended at the South, was that of necessity, and the impossibility of abolis.h.i.+ng it without producing consequences of the most disastrous character to both parties. The pa.s.sage of a law providing for the emanc.i.p.ation of nearly a million of slaves in the British colonies, seemed to afford full opportunity of bringing this momentous question to the decisive test of experience. _If the result proved satisfactory, I have never doubted that it would seal the fate of slavery throughout the civilised world_. As far as the observations of Messrs. Thome and Kimball extended, the result is of the most gratifying character. It appears to place beyond a doubt, that the experiment of immediate emanc.i.p.ation, adopted by the colonial Legislature of Antigua, has fully succeeded in that island; and the plan of apprentices.h.i.+p in other portions of the West Indies, as well as could have been expected from the obvious inherent vices of that measure. _It has given me new views of the practicability of emanc.i.p.ation_. It has been effected in Antigua, as appears from unquestionable authorities contained in the work of Messrs. Thome and Kimball, not merely _without danger_ to the master, but without any sacrifice of his _interest_. I cannot but think that the information collected in the volume will have a powerful effect on public opinion, not only in the northern states, but in the slaveholding states."

GOVERNOR ELLSWORTH, of Connecticut, writes thus to A.F. WILLIAMS, Esq., of this city:--

"NEW HAVEN, _May_ 19, 1838.

MY DEAR SIR,--Just before I left home, I received from you the Journal of Thome and Kimball, for which token of friends.h.i.+p I intended to have made you my acknowledgments before this; but I wished first to read the book. As far as time would permit, I have gone over most of its pages; and let me a.s.sure you, it is justly calculated to produce great effects, provided you can once get it into the hands of the planters. Convince _them_ that their interests, as well as their security, will be advanced by employing free blacks, and emanc.i.p.ation will be accomplished without difficulty or delay.

I have looked with great interest at the startling measure of emanc.i.p.ation in Antigua; but if this book is correct, the question is settled as to that island beyond a doubt, since there is such acc.u.mulated testimony from all cla.s.ses, that the business and real estate of the island have advanced, by reason of the emanc.i.p.ation, one fourth, at least, in value; while personal security, without military force, is felt by the former masters, and contentment, industry, and grat.i.tude, are seen in those who were slaves.

The great moral example of England, in abolis.h.i.+ng slavery in the West Indies, will produce a revolution on this subject throughout the world, and put down slavery in every Christian country.

With sentiments of high esteem, &c,

W. W. ELLSWORTH."

APPENDIX B.

A short time previous to the late election in Rhode Island for governor and lieutenant-governor, a letter was addressed to each of the candidates for those offices by Mr. Johnson, Corresponding Secretary of the Rhode Island Anti-Slavery Society, embodying the views of the abolitionists on the several subjects it embraced, in a series of queries. Their purport will appear from the answer of Mr. Sprague, (who was elected governor,) given below. The answer of Mr. Childs (elected lieutenant-governor) is fully as direct as that of governor Sprague.

"WARWICK, _March 28, 1838_.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 19th inst. requesting of me, in conformity to a resolution of the Executive Committee of the Rhode Island Anti-Slavery Society, an expression of my opinions on certain topics, was duly received. I have no motive whatever for withholding my opinions on any subject which is interesting to any portion of my fellow-citizens. I will, therefore, cheerfully proceed to reply to the interrogatories proposed, and in the order in which they are submitted.

1. Among the powers vested by the Const.i.tution in Congress, is the power to exercise exclusive legislation, 'in all cases whatsoever,'

over the District of Columbia? 'All cases' must, of course, include the _case_ of slavery and the slave-trade. I am, therefore, clearly of opinion, that the Const.i.tution does confer upon Congress the power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in that District; and, as they are great moral and political evils, the principles of justice and humanity demand the exercise of that power.

2. The traffic in slaves, whether foreign or domestic, is equally obnoxious to every principle of justice and humanity; and, as Congress has exercised its powers to suppress the slave-trade between this country and foreign nations, it ought, as a matter of consistency and justice, to exercise the same powers to suppress the slave-trade between the states of this Union. The slave-trade within the states is, undoubtedly, beyond the control of Congress; as the 'sovereignty of each state, to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery, which is tolerated within its limits,' is, I believe, universally conceded. The Const.i.tution unquestionably recognises the sovereign power of each state to legislate on the subject within its limits; but it imposes on us no obligation to add to the evils of the system by countenancing the traffic between the states. That which our laws have solemnly p.r.o.nounced to be piracy in our foreign intercourse, no sophistry can make honorable or justifiable in a domestic form. For a proof of the feelings which this traffic naturally inspires, we need but refer to the universal execration in which the slave-dealer is held in those portions of the country where the inst.i.tution of slavery is guarded with the most jealous vigilance.