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It was in 1882 that an agitation was inst.i.tuted in the city of New York, in which all the great labor organizations of the United States took part, and out of which grew the setting apart of Labor Day as a day of recognition of the cause of labor. It was not until 1887, however, that the germ thus planted gave fruit. On February 21, 1887, the state of Oregon pa.s.sed a law setting aside the first Sat.u.r.day in June for the observance of the cause of labor, and six years later the first Monday in September was chosen by the same state. That day has been observed ever since. The second state to legalize the holiday was New Jersey, and in May of the following year New York pa.s.sed a similar law, Colorado and Ma.s.sachusetts soon followed. In 1890 many of the other states pa.s.sed acts recognizing the day. West Virginia and North Carolina were far behind the rest in this regard and did not legalize the day until 1899.
The first great labor demonstration was held in New York city in 1882 and the parade which took place on that day is still remembered as an event of unusual magnitude. All the labor organizations of the city were in line and with their splendid floats, banners, etc., they made an imposing spectacle.
The following year it was determined to repeat, if possible, the parade of 1882, which had come to be termed "The Labor Day Parade." This time the date was changed to the first Monday in September and when in 1884 the discussion of a repet.i.tion of the occasion came up, George B. Floyd offered a resolution in the Central Labor Union convention to the effect that the first Monday in September be declared Labor Day. The resolution was unanimously adopted and at the next session of the legislature a bill was introduced declaring Labor Day a legal holiday.
There was considerable objection to the measure, however, and it was not until 1887 that a majority in its favor could be rallied together.
With the day recognized by the legislature of New York and two other states a concerted effort was made to secure action by the various labor organizations throughout the country, and in a few years the majority of the states had declared in its favor.
Curiously enough the original Labor Day was just after the organization of the first local in this city, which the "old residents" say is Typographical Union No. 192. There may be some objection to this claim on the part of some of the present members of the typographical union.
The charter of the Typographical Union local is now hanging in the K.
P. hall, and it is dated December 26, 1881. Unless challenged the members of the Typographical Union will claim the honor of being the first organization of union labor in the city of Cedar Rapids. The charter bears the names of the following charter members:
C. M. Hopkins, George S. Bradley, Harry Ingalls, J. D. Canan, L. C.
Hay, L. B. Kramer, J. H. Enos.
If the memory of Sam Snouffer is correct the local was organized among the employees of the _Republican_ office and it was a local of newspaper printers only. Sam says that he was a job printer at the time and the boys on the cases who organized the local didn't at first allow job printers to hold members.h.i.+p in their organizations. He says that the local was organized for a fight and it had it at frequent intervals during the early part of its history. But it grew and flourished and today the Typographical Union Local in Cedar Rapids is recognized as a conservative, yet aggressive body of men, with the courage to ask for its rights and the level headedness to get those rights without trouble.
THE STORY OF A MOUNTAIN HOWITZER
During the war when the boys were about to return home they sought to carry back mementoes of the long struggle. Company E of the Twelfth Iowa as a trophy of the war picked up a mountain howitzer which had been captured by the rebels and re-captured by the United States troops. Some members of Company D of the Twelfth Iowa then, by some means known only to the soldier boys, unlawfully laid claim to the cannon and Homer Morehead, one of the old Cedar Rapids boys, was able to get the cannon as far as Davenport, the city council of Cedar Rapids providing means to get it to Cedar Rapids.
The cannon, a two hundred pounder, was used freely by every organization for a number of years whenever any celebration took place.
During the Grant campaign, in October of that year, the republicans had a blow-out and the cannon was used; in this celebration the cannon was slightly damaged and was hauled down to John Mehan's for repairs. While there some person, or persons, saw fit to take it in the night time and nothing was heard of it for many years. A note was tacked up to the wall where the cannon had been left for repairs to the effect that it would be returned and shot off when a democratic president was inaugurated. The soldier boys and many of the prominent citizens of Cedar Rapids were very much stirred up over this affair and publicly accused a number of prominent Cedar Rapids democratic citizens of stealing the cannon, but no one, at least who was publicly accused, admitted having anything to do with it.
The incident was nearly forgotten when Cleveland was elected, the first democratic president since the Civil war. One morning as Harry Brown was walking down the street John Mehan called to him to come over and see what he had found. There, sure enough, was the same old mountain howitzer cleaned up and in first cla.s.s repair, with a note tied to it that it was returned as agreed and would be ready for action in due time. This affair stirred up the republican camp once more and threats were made that this cannon would never be shot off to celebrate a democratic victory, and it never was.
It now remains as a relic in the old postoffice building, and many are the citizens of Linn county who have inspected this little cannon and have heard the story told by the old settlers.
Not until a short time ago was it definitely known who removed the cannon from the Mehan shop in 1868. A Center Point person had been accused of having something to do with it; how true this is no one knows. It is thought that two young men in the employ of N. B. Brown, a stanch democrat, took the cannon and placed it in the stable owned by O. P. Emery which stood on the ground where the Denecke building now stands. Mr. Emery no doubt knew of the whereabouts of the cannon, and when he removed up on Second avenue a heavy box was moved by workmen supposed to contain tools. When Mr. Emery removed to the home of his son-in-law, John B. Henderson, on First avenue, the same heavy box was once more moved. Mrs. John B. Henderson noticed that her father, after the election of Cleveland, spent several days in the barn working steadily polis.h.i.+ng up some iron, but she never inquired what he was doing or what he wanted to accomplish. A short time before his death O. P. Emery admitted to his daughter that while he did not remove the cannon he knew of its whereabouts and had some of his intimate friends restore it to the Mehan shop after Cleveland's election as it had been agreed in the letter or note left the night of the capture of the cannon when no one was around to watch this much prized treasure.
A FORTUNATE TUMBLE
Linn county during the Civil war had its share of so-called "copperheads," as well as a goodly number of loyal sympathizers known as "fire eaters." During this period of our country's history many unfortunate affairs occurred of which all parties ever afterwards were ashamed. In a state where the majority was strong in favor of the war measure it behooved those who were against this measure not to say too much. Frequently innocent people had to suffer for the acts of some one who talked openly and above board, not only against the president but against those who were instrumental in sending troops to the front.
Democrats in the north were cla.s.sed by the republicans as follows: Those who went to the front as loyal democrats, and those who stayed at home as "copperheads," although they may have been otherwise law-abiding citizens.
On the morning that news was received of the a.s.sa.s.sination of Lincoln Cedar Rapids became a town of turmoil and strife. Never in the history of the town had excitement run so high. The question of another war was discussed in saloons and on street corners, and during the entire day this strife was kept up. Towards evening a story got started that Bill Harper, a well-known anti-war democrat and a person who had frequently when intoxicated said some pretty mean things of the republicans in general, said "that he was glad that Lincoln got killed; that he should have been shot four years ago." The story spread like a western wild fire, and in less than an hour it was all over town. A crowd got together and it was not long till a self-appointed committee was organized for the sole purpose of hanging Bill Harper to a rafter or a sour apple tree at sight and without trial. A good sized rope was procured and the yelling crowd, headed by the late I. N. Whittam and others, made for the store room kept by Brown & Harper, on what is now North First street. That Harper was a well-known and outspoken so-called "copperhead" was universally known and no question arose in the minds of the mob as to the truth or falsity of the charge. A few in the party uttered remarks that there might be a mistake and that there ought to be some investigation to bear out the facts before the rope was applied, but the majority ruled and these faint-hearted fellows were laughed to scorn. N. B. Brown, who had heard of the trouble and who was a partner of Harper, got into the store building, mounted a barrel and talked to the crowd, claiming that Harper could not have said the words with which he was charged, for he had not been in town for several days. Squire Knowles, a republican and a believer in fair play, tried to persuade the mob to disperse, but his plea found little favor with a mob who insisted on a hanging. Then Bill Darr, a neighbor of Harper, also a republican, had to come to the front and tell what he knew about Harper. He said that Harper had been at home near Bertram and had been sick in bed for several days, and that he had been to his house and called on him the day before and he was certain that Harper knew nothing of what had taken place at the national capital. Darr was not treated any better than the others and was called "traitor" and all sorts of names because he wanted to save his neighbor's life if possible.
[Ill.u.s.tration: A. BOWMAN]
[Ill.u.s.tration: E. M. CROW]
[Ill.u.s.tration: J. M. MAY]
Many of the crowd had been drinking heavily and insisted that something be done, and if they could not do any better they ought to fire the building and burn up the whole thing, while Brown insisted that most of the property was his and that he would vouch for his partner's honor and reputation as far as that charge went. Whittam by this time had gotten over the blood curdling period of his leaders.h.i.+p and was willing to turn the job over to other hands, but no one seemed willing to come to his rescue, and there was no opportunity to put a motion for an adjournment till the violence and the temper of the mob would somewhat abate. Brown wanted to hold the mob as long as possible, having in the meantime sent messengers to notify Harper of what might happen. He realized that the infuriated mob at that stage of the game might hang an innocent man.
Just at this point of the delicate proceedings, the crowd yelling like warlike Indians, and threatening to hang any "copperhead" and to burn the building provided Harper was not brought into the room, a fourteen year old boy, long, lank and lean, who had also crowded into the building wanting to see what was going on, and to get more air, climbed on top of a hogshead which stood in one corner of the room. As he was gazing out over the crowd others tried to get on to the same hogshead, pus.h.i.+ng and pulling, when suddenly the end gave way and the boy fell into a ma.s.s of lard and dye stuff up to his neck. The stench acted like morphine upon the infuriated mob. Someone called for the rope to pull the boy out and then a general laugh broke out and when the boy ran down through the crowd, dripping with lard and lye, making for the river, the panic became general and they all followed his movements and forgot all about Bill Harper or the words he was supposed to have uttered.
The boy who thus saved the day and perhaps a life or two is no other than O. C. Carpenter, for many years one of the best known constables in Rapids towns.h.i.+p. Carpenter still insists that he saved the day, although the ordeal he had to pa.s.s through was somewhat harsh. The lye burned his legs and spoiled a suit of clothes, and he got a good thras.h.i.+ng at home, in the bargain. The Greek boy of old fell on his sword, but the modern Linn county boy fell into a soap barrel and by that side-stepping cast honors on himself and on members of his family for all time to come.
Bill Harper never uttered the words of which he was accused, and never knew that Lincoln had been a.s.sa.s.sinated until the evening of the day when the infuriated mob was hunting him with a rope, wis.h.i.+ng to put an end to his earthly existence. This shows how dangerous it is to stir up the mob spirit at any time. It always leads to disgraceful acts, from which a community suffers for a long time afterwards.
HERE'S AN INTERESTING BIT OF ANCIENT HISTORY
In running through the files of the early years of the Cedar Rapids Daily _Republican_, the following interesting historical contribution, from the pen of the late Sampson C. Bever, was found:
"Editor Cedar Rapids _Republican_:
"I notice in the last 'Daily Republican,' in referring to the City National Bank of this city, in connection with the death of the Hon. Oakes Ames, the following:
"'The death of Mr. Ames recalls to mind the successful aid given S. C. Bever, Esq., in getting the charter of the City National Bank. The First National had already been established and as Cedar Rapids had a population of only 2,000 people at the time the comptroller of currency declined to establish another bank here, but by the a.s.sistance of Mr.
Ames the charter was finally obtained.'
"The facts in the case are these: The City National Bank received its certificate of authority and had commenced successful business some time before the application for charter or certificate of the First National Bank was granted.
"It is true an application for a City National Bank, with a capital of $50,000, was first made, and it was provided by the law of congress, creating National banks, that no charter for less than $100,000 should be granted, unless it should receive the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Ames being in Was.h.i.+ngton at the time this application was made, and being a warm friend of mine, he kindly offered to give me his influence, and wrote a strong letter to Mr. Chase, then Secretary of the Treasury, urging him to sanction my application for $50,000, but before presenting this letter I was urged by Mr. McCullough, then comptroller of the currency, that as there was no other national bank organized in Cedar Rapids, and the population was about 4,000, I should by all means make my application for $100,000, to which I finally agreed. And as greenbacks and government bonds were at my command, I had no further need for 'successful aid' from anyone, being well known to Mr. McCullough, the comptroller of the currency. But I none the less highly appreciated the kindness tendered me by my friend Mr. Ames.
"I make this explanation, not so much on my own account, as that of others, who so well understand all the circ.u.mstances.
"S. C. BEVER."
The _Republican_ of that date, May 12, 1873, also printed the following remarks:
"The statement that was made in the columns of the _Republican_ on Sat.u.r.day, concerning Oakes Ames and the City National Bank, is one of those unfortunate kind of errors that often creep into a daily newspaper. The statement, as it appeared in print, was precisely as it was handed us by one of our prominent citizens, and we took it for granted, of course, that it was correct. Since Mr. Bever's communication has been handed us, we have made a personal examination into the matter, and have discovered an important fact which, it is due the City National Bank, should be published. We find in the report of the comptroller of the currency, that the City National Bank stands upon record as number 483, and the First National Bank as 500, which goes to show that the former was organized some time before the latter. Of course neither bank has any interest in this matter further than to be placed before the public correctly, and we have it to regret that the statement appeared in our columns on Sat.u.r.day in the form in which it did."
CHAPTER x.x.xVII
_Beginnings of Churches and the Fraternities in Cedar Rapids_
The following accurate account of the beginnings of the churches and the fraternities in the city of Cedar Rapids, written by the late James L. Enos in the early '60s, will have a double interest. It not only gives the story of the beginnings of the various inst.i.tutions, but also comments upon their condition and prospects at the time the article was written.
Methodist Episcopal--This society was organized in 1844, by Rev. Isaac Searles with nine members. As early as 1841 meetings were held by a Rev. Hodges, but no society was organized. In 1845 the Rev. Alexander Bushnell organized the first Methodist Sabbath school. Hodges, Searles and Bushnell were the first three Methodist ministers who preached in Cedar Rapids. Rev. Elias Skinner [still living at Waterloo] was the first pastor who permanently or wholly occupied his time with the church. During his appointment here the church was in a prosperous condition. Since that time, from a variety of causes, the interest of the church has fallen off and its former popularity seems to have departed. The present number of members is 90; number attending the Sabbath schools on both sides of the river, about 130. Rev. Mr. Miller is the present pastor. The church edifice was erected in 1854.
First Presbyterian--This society was organized July 9, 1847, with seven members, of whom Mrs. Mary Ely is the only surviving member. Bennet Rogers preached here and at Marion on alternate Sabbaths for a time.
Rev. Williston Jones was the first regular pastor. He continued his labors with this society until July, 1856, when he removed to Iowa Falls. Rev. L. F. Dudley was the second pastor and J. W. Atherton followed in 1859. James Knox is the present pastor. I have not been able to learn the present number of members attending the Sabbath school. The church edifice was erected in 1850 and was the first of the kind in the city.
United Presbyterian (Seceders)--This church is located on the west side of the river; it was organized in 1851 with eight members. Rev. J. B.
Forsythe was the first pastor, Rev. H. Sturgeon the second, and Rev. J.
L. Fulton the third and present pastor. The church now numbers fifty members and is in a flouris.h.i.+ng condition. Sixty pupils attend the Sabbath school. The church edifice is a plain brick, erected in 1859.
Second Presbyterian (Old School)--This society was organized May 27, 1855, with twenty members. Rev. R. H. Morrow, a most exemplary and worthy man, was the pastor. By his admirable qualities he won the regard of all with whom he came in contact. D. H. Mitch.e.l.l was the second pastor. Following the expiration of his labors the pulpit was temporarily occupied by I. N. Reed, a thoroughly Old School divine. J.
B. McBridge came next, and S. W. Miller is present pastor. The church now numbers some sixty members, and the Sabbath school has 80 to 120 enrolled. The church edifice is a neat but unpretending structure on the east side of Adams street, between Market and Sugar streets. It has a bell weighing 800 pounds and is furnished with a cottage organ. The pastor's salary is $1,000 a year, and the church is free from debt.