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In this official residence Mr. Balfour was now installed, and while Fortune seemed to shower her favors so lavishly upon him, the _quid amarum_ was still there,--his tenure was insecure. The party to which he belonged had contrived to offend some of its followers and alienate others, and, without adopting any such decided line as might imply a change of policy, had excited a general sense of distrust in those who had once followed it implicitly. In the emergencies of party life, the manouvre known to soldiers as a "change of front" is often required. The present Cabinet were in this position. They had been for some sessions trading on their Protestantism. They had been Churchmen _pur sang_.
Their bishops, their deans, their colonial appointments, had all been of that orthodox kind that defied slander; and as it is said that a man with a broad-brimmed hat and drab gaiters may indulge unsuspected in vices which a more smartly got-up neighbor would bring down reprobation upon his head for practising, so may a Ministry under the shadow of Exeter Hall do a variety of things denied to less sacred individuals.
"The Protestant ticket" had carried them safely over two sessions, but there came now a hitch in which they needed that strange section called "the Irish party," a sort of political flying column, sufficiently uncertain always to need watching, and if not very compact or highly disciplined, rash and bold enough to be very damaging in moments of difficulty. Now, as Private Secretary, Balfour had snubbed this party repeatedly. They had been pa.s.sed over in promotion, and their claims to advancement coldly received. The amenities of the Castle--that social Paradise of all Irish men and women--had been denied them. For them were no dinners, no mornings at the Lodge, and great were the murmurs of discontent thereat. A change, however, had come; an English defection had rendered Irish support of consequence, and Balfour was sent over to, what in the slang of party is called, conciliate, but which, in less euphuistic phrase, might be termed to employ a system of general and outrageous corruption.
Some averred that the Viceroy, indignantly refusing to be a party to this policy, feigned illness and stayed away; others declared that his resignation had been tendered and accepted, but that measures of state required secrecy on the subject; while a third section of guessers suggested that, when the coa.r.s.e work of corruption had been accomplished by the Secretary, his Excellency would arrive to crown the edifice.
At all events, the Ministry stood in need of these "free lances,"
and Cholmondely Balfour was sent over to secure them. Before all governmental changes there is a sort of "ground swell" amongst the knowing men of party that presages the storm; and so, now, scarcely had Balfour reached the Lodge than a rumor ran that some new turn of policy was about to be tried, and that what is called the "Irish difficulty"
was going to be discounted into the English necessity.
The first arrival at the Lodge was Pemberton. He had just been defeated at his election for Mallow, and ascribed his failure to the lukewarmness of the Government, and the indifference with which they had treated his demands for some small patronage for his supporters. Nor was it mere indifference; there was actual reason to believe that favor was shown to his opponent, and that Mr. Heffernan, the Catholic barrister of extreme views, had met the support of more than one of those known to be under Government influence. There was a story of a letter from the Irish Office to Father O'Hea, the parish priest. Some averred they had read it, declaring that the Cabinet only desired to know "the real sentiments of Ireland, what Irishmen actually wished and wanted," to meet them.
Now, when a Government official writes to a priest, his party is always _in extremis_.
Pemberton reached the Lodge feverish, irritated, and uneasy. He had, not very willingly, surrendered a great practice at the Bar to enter life as a politician, and now what if the reward of his services should turn out to be treachery and betrayal? Over and over again had he been told he was to have the Bench; but the Chief Baron would neither die nor retire, nor was there any vacancy amongst the other courts. Nor had he done very well in Parliament; he was hasty and irritable in reply, too discursive in statement, and, worse than these, not plodding enough nor sufficiently given to repet.i.tion to please the House; for the "a.s.sembled wisdom" is fond of its ease, and very often listens with a drowsy consciousness that if it did not catch what the orator said aright, it was sure to hear him say it again later on. He had made no "hit" with the House, and he was not patient enough nor young enough to toil quietly on to gain that estimation which he had hoped to s.n.a.t.c.h at starting.
Besides all these grounds of discontent, he was vexed at the careless way in which his party defended him against the attacks of the Opposition. Nothing, probably, teaches a man his value to his own set so thoroughly as this test; and he who is ill defended in his absence generally knows that he may retire without cause of regret. He came out, therefore, that morning, to see Balfour, and, as the phrase is, "have it out with him." Balfour's instructions from the "other side," as Irishmen playfully denominate England, were to get rid of Pemberton as soon as possible; but, at the same time, with all the caution required, not to convert an old adherent into an enemy.
Balfour was at breakfast, with an Italian greyhound on a chair beside him, and a Maltese terrier seated on the table, when Pemberton was announced. He lounged over his meal, alternating tea with the "Times,"
and now and then reading sc.r.a.ps of the letters which lay in heaps around him.
After inviting his guest to partake of something, and hearing that he had already breakfasted three hours before, Balfour began to give him all the political gossip of town. This, for the most part, related to changes and promotions,--how Griffith was to go to the Colonial, and Haughton to the Foreign Office; that Forbes was to have the Bath, and make way for Betmore, who was to be Under-Secretary. "Chadwick, you see, gets nothing. He asked for a com-missioners.h.i.+p, and we offered him the governors.h.i.+p of Bermuda; hence has he gone down below the gangway, and sits on the seat of the scornful."
"Your majority was smaller than I looked for on Tuesday night. Couldn't you have made a stronger muster?" said Pemberton.
"I don't know: twenty-eight is not bad. There are so many of our people in abeyance. There are five fighting pet.i.tions against their return, and as many more seeking re-election, and a few more, like yourself, Pem, 'out in the cold.'"
"For which gracious situation I have to thank my friends."
"Indeed! how is that?"
"It is somewhat cool to ask me. Have you not seen the papers lately?
Have you not read the letter that Sir Gray Chadwell addressed to Father O'Hea of Mallow?"
"Of course I have read it--an admirable letter--a capital letter. I don't know where the case of Ireland has been treated with such masterly knowledge and discrimination."
"And why have my instructions been always in an opposite sense? Why have I been given to believe that the Ministry distrusted that party and feared their bad faith?"
"Have you ever seen Grunzenhoff's account of the battle of Leipsic?"
"No; nor have I the slightest curiosity to hear how it applies to what we are talking of."
"But it does apply. It's the very neatest apropos I could cite for you.
There was a moment, he says, in that history, when Schwarzenberg was about to outflank the Saxons, and open a terrific fire of artillery upon them; and either they saw what fate impended over them, or that the hour they wished for had come, but they all deserted the ranks of the French and went over to the Allies."
"And you fancy that the Catholics are going to side with you?" said Pemberton, with a sneer.
"It suits both parties to believe it, Pem."
"The credulity will be all your own, Mr. Balfour. I know my countrymen better than you do."
"That's exactly what they won't credit at Downing Street, Pem; and I a.s.sure you that my heart is broken defending you in the House. They are eternally asking about what happened at such an a.s.size, and why the Crown was not better prepared in such a prosecution; and though I _am_ accounted a ready fellow in reply, it becomes a bore at last. I 'm sorry to say it, Pem, but it is a bore."
"I am glad, Mr. Balfour, exceedingly glad, you should put the issue between us so clearly; though I own to you that coming here this morning as the plaintiff, it is not without surprise I find myself on my defence."
"What's this, Banks?" asked Balfour, hastily, as his private secretary entered with a despatch. "From Crew, sir; it must be his Excellency sends it."
Balfour broke it open, and exclaimed: "In cipher too! Go and have it transcribed at once; you have the key here."
"Yes, sir; I am familiar with the character, too, and can do it quickly." Thus saying, he left the room.
While this brief dialogue was taking place, Pemberton walked up and down the room, pale and agitated in features, but with a compressed lip and bent brow, like one nerving himself for coming conflict.
"I hope we 're not out," said Balfour, with a laugh of a.s.sumed indifference. "He rarely employs a cipher; and it must be something of moment, or he would not do so now."
"It is a matter of perfect indifference to _me_," said Pemberton.
"Treated as I have been, I could scarcely say I should regret it."
"By Jove! the s.h.i.+p must be in a bad way when the officers are taking to the boats," said Balfour. "Why, Pem, you don't really believe we are going to founder?"
"I told you, sir," said he, haughtily, "that it was a matter of the most perfect indifference to me whether you should sink or swim."
"You are one of the crew, I hope, a'n't you?"
Pemberton made no reply, and the other went on: "To be sure, it may be said that an able seaman never has long to look for a s.h.i.+p; and in these political disasters, it's only the captains that are really wrecked."
"One thing is certainly clear," said Pemberton, with energy, "you have not much confidence in the craft you sail in."
"Who has, Pem? Show me the man that has, and I 'll show you a consummate a.s.s. Parliamentary life is a roadstead with s.h.i.+fting sands, and there's no going a step without the lead-line; and that's one reason why the nation never likes to see one of your countrymen as the pilot,--you won't take soundings."
"There are other reasons, too," said Pemberton, sternly, "but I have not come here to discuss this subject. I want to know, once for all, is it the wish of your party that I should be in the House?"
"Of course it is; how can you doubt it?"
"That being the case, what steps have you taken, or what steps can you take, to secure me a seat?"
"Why, Pem, don't you know enough of public life to know that when a Minister makes an Attorney-General, it is tacitly understood that the man can secure his return to Parliament? When I order out a chaise and pair, I don't expect the innkeeper to tell me I must buy breeches and boots for the postilion."
"You deluge me with figures, Mr. Balfour, but they only confuse me. I am neither a sailor nor a postboy; but I see Mr. Banks wishes to confer with you--I will retire."
"Take a turn in the garden, Pern, and I will be with you in a moment.
Are you a smoker?"
"Not in the morning," said the other, stiffly, and withdrew.
"Mr. Heffernan is here, sir; will you see him?" asked the Secretary.
"Let him wait; whenever I ring the bell you can come and announce him. I will give my answer then. What of the despatch?"
"It is nearly all copied out, sir. It was longer than I thought."