The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao Part 11

III. KULAMAN.

SYNONYMS.

(a) CULAMANES.

(b) MAn.o.bO.

According to Governor Bolton this tribe numbers about thirty-five hundred individuals and occupies a considerable portion of the coast, and adjacent mountains, from the Padada river on the north to Sarangani Bay on the south. On the east side of Davao Gulf its members are found along the beach and in the mountains, from Sigaboy to Cape San Agustin, and also in a few scattered villages on the southeastern Pacific Coast.

By their neighbors they are known as Kulaman or Man.o.bo. The former designation is translated as "bad man," but it is probable that they received the name from the town of Kulaman, where they formerly resided.

They are equally well known as Man.o.bo--a word meaning "man." Earlier writers, misled by these two names, have generally treated this people as forming two distinct groups, but this is quite incorrect, both names being applied to a part or to the whole of the tribe. It has also been customary to describe them as a part of the great Man.o.bo tribe which inhabits a large portion of Central and Northeastern Mindanao. The writer is of the opinion that there is not sufficient evidence to justify such a cla.s.sification and that for the present we must consider them as distinct from the Man.o.bo of the northern district as are the other tribes of Davao Gulf.

According to their own tales, the Kulaman once held all the coast from the Padada River to Sarangani Bay, but did not extend far back from the sea, since in the mountains lived the Tagakaolo and Bila-an with whom they were constantly at war. When the Moro appeared on their coasts and offered help against the hill tribes in return for land, they were gladly received and were given several village sites near to the mouths of various rivers. Aside from a few minor quarrels, the Kulaman have always lived on friendly terms with these later comers, and not a few of the tribe have been converted to Mohammedism.

Influenced by their new allies they organized under several petty rulers who were subservient to the datu at Kulaman, and with this superior organization they were able to carry on such successful warfare against the hill tribes that the Tagakaolo were, for a time, partially under their rule.

When the Spaniards arrived and undertook to subdue the Moro, the Kulaman cast their lot with their Mohammedan allies, and even after the power of the Moro was broken, they remained irreconcilable and frequently raided the settlements under the care of the Spanish priests.

The recent history of the tribe, as told by Datu Bongkalasan of Padada, as is follows: "About a hundred years ago when Gogo became _datu_, he left Kulaman and settled at Piapi, not far from Padada, and planted the cocoanut trees which can still be seen there. He was a man with a very small head, but his arms were as large as a man's legs. He lived until very old, and during his lifetime never did any work but was always a great warrior. Under him the tribe became strong and all the other _datu_ feared him. When he died his son Kolatau my uncle, succeeded him.

Like his father, he was a great warrior and all the neighboring tribes paid him slaves and other tribute. His two sons died during his lifetime; so upon his death the leaders.h.i.+p fell to me, Bongkalasan."

By the time Bongkalasan became ruler, the influence of the Spaniards was strong enough to break the power of any coast _datu_, and after a hostile demonstration by the new ruler his town was destroyed and his following scattered. A part of the people took to the hills while others migrated to the east side of the Gulf and settled near Sigaboy. It is not believed that any members of this tribe were in that vicinity prior to this time. A further migration took place shortly after the arrival of the Americans, when a brother of Bongkalasan took a number of the Kulaman over to Sigaboy. A certain amount of communication is kept up between the people on both sides of the Gulf and the dialects are still so similar that it is certain the separation has not been for any great period of time.

Upon the establishment of American rule a number of hemp planters settled along the coast and soon their inducements to laborers began to scatter the people, until today members of this tribe can be found as far north as Santa Cruz. The power and influence of the _datu_ has waned until he now has a following of less than two hundred people. Only that portion of the tribe which retired to the hills still maintains any semblance of their old prowess and even those groups are growing smaller year by year.

At the height of their power the men of the tribe were noted as boat-builders[73] and fishermen. Fighting also took up a considerable portion of their time, for added to their desire for loot and slaves was a demand for victims imposed by the warrior deity. The women cultivated little patches of corn, camotes, and some cocoanuts, and at certain seasons all the members of the tribe went to the forest to gather sago, but aside from this the sea furnished most of their food supply.

According to their own stories they did not cultivate rice until recent years, and Datu Bongkalasan insists that none of the people planted rice when he was a boy. It is his belief that all the ceremonies connected with the rice culture were learned from the Tagakaolo and Bila-an.

[73] This art is now practically lost and their boats are secured from the Moro.

From the Spanish writers[74] we hear little but evil of this people.

They are spoken of as warlike, superst.i.tious, treacherous, and vengeful as head-hunters "who expose the heads of their enemies on poles," and as slavers. From Father GISBERT[75] we learn that in 1886, about twelve hundred members of the tribe were converted to Christianity; but during the period following the departure of the Spaniards most of them deserted the faith and returned to the old life. Since American occupation they have been among the most troublesome people of Southern Mindanao, and only as late as 1911 were responsible for the death of a number of planters and the destruction of the plantations in the neighborhood of Nuin. They are rapidly breaking up as a tribe, and are intermarrying with the coast natives and hill tribes, from both of whom they are adopting artifacts and ideas. Already they have so altered their dwellings that we cannot refer to a typical Kulaman home; their house-hold utensils[76] are those of their neighbors, and this is true also of most of the clothing, although one special type will be mentioned later on.

[74] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. LV, p. 556.

[75] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 242.

[76] Long narrow hemp cloth pillows (fig. 43) and round waterproof boxes with infitting, tray-like tops (fig. 44) are found in nearly every house. The use of these two articles is not confined to this people, but is typical of them. The same type of box is found among the Man.o.bo of the Agusan river valley.

FIG. 43. PART OF A HEMP CLOTH PILLOW COVER.

FIG. 44. WATERPROOF BASKET WITH INFITTING TOP.

As a result of their slave raids, and the adoption of captive women and their offspring into the family, we find great variation in the members of the tribe (Plates LXI-LXII).

Measurements on twenty-seven men gave the following results:

Height:--Maximum 169.0 cm.; minimum 146.0 cm.; average 158.3 cm.

Cephalic Index:--Maximum 86.4; minimum 71.7; average 78.1.

Length-Height. Index:--Maximum 76.5; minimum 61.9; average 68.4.

If these figures are compared with those of the Bagobo it will be seen that there is little difference in the averages; however, this similarity is less real than the figures indicate, for with the Kulaman there are more individuals at both extremes. For example: the cephalic indices of eight out of the twenty-seven were 80 or above, while six were less than 75; again, in the length-height indices six were above 70 and an equal number less than 65. In other respects there is such variation that it is hard to generalize. It is noticeable that there is a greater tendency toward prognathism than we have heretofore met with; the forehead, while high, is moderately retreating and the supra-orbital ridges prominent in most individuals; the hair is brown-black and is inclined to curl in locks. The wide variation of type within the tribe is to be expected when we know that its members have been constantly recruited from the neighboring tribes. It is even possible that a considerable number of slave women from distant islands may have been added to the group by purchase from the Moro.[77]

[77] According to early writers, the Moro of the Gulf carried on a lucrative slave trade with this and other tribes. As the Moro raids were made by water and often reached as far as the Northeastern coast of this island and south to the Celebes it is quite possible that these remote districts have helped in the upbuilding of the tribe under discussion.

The religious beliefs have many points in common with those of the neighboring tribes, but there are some which require special notice.

Two powerful beings, TimanEm and his wife Diwata[78] are above all other spirits.

[78] The Padada people say the term _diwata_ is a name which may be applied to the _timanEm_, of whom there are two, a male and a female.

Mandalangan, also called Siling or Man.o.bo Siring, is much like the Bagobo divinity of similar name. He is fond of war and bloodshed and when there has been a great slaughter he feasts on the flesh and drinks of the blood of the slain. Only warriors can address him and make the offerings of red food which he demands. Once a year, usually after the rice harvest and when the moon is full, a raid must be made and victims slain so that this spirit can feast.[79] If the Warriors fail to render him this service Mandalangan will cause their bodies to swell up and many will die, while sickness will visit all other members of the tribe.[80]

[79] Data Bongkalasan says it was formerly the custom to make a foray at each full moon.

[80] This was the reason given for the raid on the coast plantations in 1911.

The many spirits who inhabit rocks and large trees are generally favorable to man and are collectively known as _magintalonan_.

Tama owns the deer and wild pigs, and no one hunts or traps in the forest until he has made an offering of betel nut to this spirit. When game is secured its tail and ears are strung on rattan and are hung in a tree, in exchange for the live animal.

The _maniokan_, generally evil spirits, resemble snakes, and like them live in the ground. People are frequently made lame by simply stepping over their homes.

Each man and woman has a spirit, _kalaloa_,[81] dwelling in his body during lifetime. At death this spirit goes into the sky, unless it deserves punishment, in which case it is hurried to Kilot, a region below. In either place these spirits keep close watch over the living and bring success or disaster according to their will. They have come to be looked upon as the guardians of the fields, and suitable offerings are made to them at planting and harvest time.

[81] The Kulaman of Santa Cruz insist that each person has two _kalaloa_, one on the right side and one on the left. At death the one on the right side goes to a good place in the sky, where there is no work and "thoughts come easy." The _kalaloa_ of the left side goes into the ground to a poor place called Kilot. It is probable that the neighboring Bagobo have influenced the beliefs of this group.

A few old men, _makating_, are thought to be able to address the spirits with greater probability of success than the others; but they do not stand in the same relation to the spirit world as do the _mabalian_ of the Bagobo. The nearest approach to that cla.s.s is a group of women known as _lokEs_[82], who act as midwives and make use of roots and herbs in curing sickness.

[82] In Santa Cruz known as _bagbabolan_ or _mananagamen_.

The people are warned of disaster or impending danger by various signs.

A snake crossing the trail is an imperative order for the traveler to turn back; the call of the _limokon_[83] is likewise a warning, while should one of the princ.i.p.als to any agreement sneeze during the negotiations the project would be delayed or abandoned.

[83] See p. 63 note.

There is only slight development of beliefs and ceremonies in connection with the cultivation of field crops, due probably to the recent adoption of agriculture by the members of this tribe. A field is seldom planted to rice for more than one season, after which the land is used for corn, camotes, and the like, until the invasion of _cogon_ gra.s.s makes further cultivation impossible.

As a result new land must be broken for each planting. When the constellation _layag_ "a sail" and _balangay_ "a boat" appear in the month of December, the people go to the desired plot, cut down the trees, and when these are dry, fire them.

Before the planting can be begun the seed rice must be carried to the center of the field where a bamboo pole, _talabinian_, and a stalk of sugar-cane have previously been placed, as an offering to the _kalaloa_ who guard the land. Again at harvest time an offering of food is taken to this spot and the spirits of the dead are besought as follows: "Do not take our rice, but let it last for a long time, for now we give a part to you." A meal and dance follow the offering and then all who desire may aid in cutting the new rice.

No offerings are a.s.sociated with the planting or harvesting of other field crops, but the gathering of sago flour is attended by gifts to the spirits of the dead and prayers for the health of the workers. The method of obtaining and preparing the flour is the same as that already described. Offerings are made before and after a hunt, and a man never goes to fish without first placing a leg ring and some betel nut on the sand close to the water, meanwhile saying, "You TimanEm must give us some food; and you shall have your part." Upon his return he places a small fish beside the first offering and is then free to take his catch to the village.