The Mystery of Francis Bacon Part 9

The cost of printing and publis.h.i.+ng must have been very great. If the facts ever come to light it will probably be found that Burghley was Bacon's mainstay for financial support. It will also be found that Lady Anne Bacon and Anthony Bacon were liberal contributors to the funds, and that the cause of Francis Bacon's monetary difficulties and consequent debts was the heavy obligation which he personally undertook in connection with the production of the Elizabethan literature.

In the Dedications, Prefaces, and Epistles "To the Reader" also Francis Bacon's mind may be recognised. When Addison wrote of Bacon, "One does not know which to admire most in his writings, the strength of reason, force of style, or brightness of imagination," his words might have been inspired by these prefixes to the literature of this period. When once the student has made himself thoroughly acquainted with Bacon's style of writing prefaces he can never fail to recognise it, especially if he reads the pa.s.sages aloud. The Epistle Dedicatorie to the 1625 edition of Barclay's "Argenis," signed Kingesmill Long, is one of the finest examples of Baconian English extant. Who but the writer of the Shakespeare plays could have written that specimen of musical language?

To hear it read aloud gives all the enjoyment of listening to a fine composition of music. It is the same with the Shakespeare plays; only when they are read aloud can the richness and charm of the language they contain be appreciated.

Bacon's work can never be understood by anyone who has not realised the marvellous character of the mind of the boy, his phenomenal industry, and the fact that "he could imagine like a poet and execute like a clerk of the works." It has been suggested that he had a secret Society, by the agency of which he carried through his works, but it is difficult to find any evidence that such a Society existed. It may be that he had helpers without there having been anything of the nature of a Society.

From 1575 to 1605 (thirty years) with the exception of the trifles published as Essays in 1597, there are no acknowledged fruits of his work to which his name is attached. Even the two books of the "Advancement of Learning," published in 1605, would have made little demands on his time. Edmund Burke said: "Who is there that hearing the name of Bacon does not instantly recognise everything of genius the most profound, of literature the most extensive, of discovery the most penetrating, of observation of human life the most distinguished and refined." For such a man to write "The two books" would be no hard or lengthy task.

The wonder is that Francis Bacon should have attached his name to the 1597 edition of the essays. He had written and published under other names tomes of essays of at least equal merit. In Aphorism 128 of the "Novum Organum" Bacon says, "But how sincere I am in my profession of affection and goodwill towards the received sciences my published writings, especially the books on the Advancement of Learning, sufficiently shew." What are the published writings referred to? The only works which bore his name were the incomplete volume of the Essays and the "Wisdom of the Ancients," to neither of which the words quoted are applicable.

Anthony Bacon, writing to Lady Anne in April, 1593, referring to her "motherly offer" to help Francis out of debt by being content to bestow the whole interest in an estate in Ess.e.x, called Markes, said "beseeching you to believe that being so near and dear unto me as he is, it cannot but be a grief unto me to see a mind that hath given so sufficient proof of itself in having brought forth many good thoughts for the general to be overburdened and c.u.mbered with a care of clearing his particular estate."

In 1593 nothing had been published under Bacon's name, and there is not any production of his known which would justify Anthony's remark. What was his motive in selecting this insignificant little volume of essays whereby to proclaim himself a writer? One can understand his object in addressing James in _The Two Books of the Advancement of Learning_. He obtained in 1606, as Peacham has it, "preferment by his Patrone's letter" by being appointed Solicitor-General.

During all this period--1575 to 1605--"the most exquisitely constructed mind that has ever been bestowed on any of the children of men" appears to have been dormant. Take the first three volumes of Spedding's "Life and Letters," and carefully note all that is recorded as the product of that mind during the years when it must have been at the zenith of its power and activity. All the letters and tracts accredited to Bacon in them which have come down to us would not account for six months--not for three months--of its occupation.

The explanation that he was building up his great system of inductive philosophy is quite inadequate. Rawley speaks of the "Novum Organum" as having been in hand for twelve years. This would give 1608 as the year when it was commenced. The "Cogitata et Visa," of which it was an amplification, was probably written in 1606 or 1607, for on the 17th February, 1607-8, Bodley writes acknowledging the receipt of it and commenting on it.

Rawley says that it was during the last five years of Bacon's life that he composed the greatest part of his books and writings both in English and Latin, and supplies a list which comprises all his acknowledged published works except the "Novum Organum" and the Essays.

In "The Statesmen and Favourites of England since the Reformation," it is stated that the universal knowledge and comprehension of things rendered Francis Bacon the observation of great and wise men, and afterward the wonder of all. Yet it is remarkable how few are the references to him amongst his contemporaries. Practically the only one that would enable a reader to gain any knowledge of his personality is Francis...o...b..rn, who, in letters to his son, published in 1658, describes him as he was in the last few years of his life. No one has left data which enables a clear impression to be formed of Francis Bacon as he was up to his fortieth year. The omission may be described as a conspiracy of silence. How exactly the circ.u.mstances appear to fit in with the first line of John Owen's epigram to Dominus B., published in 1612!--"Thou livest well if one well hid well lives"; and if the suggestion now put forward be correct that Bacon deliberately resolved that his image and personality should never be seen, but only the fruits of his mind--the issues of his brain, to use Rawley's expression--how apt is the second line of the epigram: "And thy great genius in being concealed, is revealed."

FOOTNOTES:

[33] "Of the Advancement of Learning," 1640, page 312.

[34] "Of the Advancement of Learning," 1640, pages 115, 116.

[35] 33 is the numerical value of the name "Bacon." The stop preceding it denotes cypher.

[36] Vautrollier was a scholar and printer who came to England from Paris or Roan about the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, and first commenced business in Blackfriars. In 1584 he printed _Jorda.n.u.s Brunus_, for which he was compelled to fly. In the next year he was in Edinburgh, where, by his help, Scottish printing was greatly improved. Eventually his pardon was procured by powerful friends, amongst whom was Thomas Randolph. In 1588 Richard Field, who was apprenticed to Vautrollier, married Jakin, his daughter, and on his death in 1589 succeeded to the business.

CHAPTER XV.

BURGHLEY AND BACON.

There was published in 1732 "The Life of the Great Statesman William Cecil, Lord Burghley." The preface signed by Arthur Collins states:--

The work I have for several years engaged in, of treating of those families that have been Barons of this Kingdom, necessarily induced me to apply to our n.o.bility for such helps, as might ill.u.s.trate the memory of their ancestors. And several n.o.blemen having favour'd me with the perusal of their family evidences, and being recommended to the Right Honourable the present Earl of Exeter, his Lords.h.i.+p out of just regard to the memory of his great Ancestor, was pleased to order the ma.n.u.script Life of the Lord Burghley to be communicated to me.

Which being very old and decayed and only legible to such who are versed in ancient writings it was with great satisfaction that I copied it literatim. And that it may not be lost to the world, I now offer it to the view of the publick. It fully appears to be wrote in the reign of Queen Elizabeth soon after his Lords.h.i.+p's death, by one who was intimate with him, and an eye witness of his actions for the last twenty-five years. It needs no comment to set it off; that truth and sincerity which s.h.i.+nes through the whole, will, I don't doubt have the same weight with the Readers as it had with me and that they will be of opinion it's too valuable to be buried in oblivion.

This "Life of Lord Burghley" is referred to by Nares and other of his biographers as having been written by "a domestic." It contains about 16,000 words and is the most authentic account extant of the great statesman's life. The narrative is full, but the observations on the character and habits of Burghley are by far the most important feature.

The method of treatment of the subject is after Bacon's style; the Life abounds with phrases and with tricks of diction, which enable it to be identified as his. The concluding sentences could only have been written with Bacon's pen:--

And so leaving his soule with G.o.d, his fame to the world, and the truth to all charitable mynds, I leave the sensure to all judicious Christians, who truly practising what they professe, will better approve, and more indifferentlie interpret it, than envie or malice can disprove it. The best sort will ever doe right, the worst can but imagine mischief and doe wrong; yet this is a comfort, the more his virtues are troden downe, the more will theire brightnes appeare. Virtus vulnerata virescit.

In 1592 the "Responsio ad edictum Reginae Angliae" of the Jesuit Parsons had appeared, attacking the Queen and her advisers (especially Burghley), to whom were attributed all the evils of England and the disturbances of Christendom. The reply to this was entrusted to Francis Bacon, who responded with a pamphlet ent.i.tled "Certain observations upon a libel published this present year, 1592." It was first printed by Dr.

Rawley in the "Resuscitatio" in 1657. At the time it was written it was circulated largely in ma.n.u.script, for at least eight copies, somewhat varying from each other, have been preserved.[37] It is quite possible that it was printed at the time, but that no copy has survived.

Throughout the whole work there are continual references to Burghley.

Chapter VI. is entirely devoted to his defence and is headed "Certain true general notes upon the actions of the Lord Burghley." Either "The Life" and the "Observations on a Libel" are by the same writer or the author of the former borrowed the latter very freely.

It is to be regretted that the original ma.n.u.script of the "Life" cannot now be found. In 1732 it was at Burghley House. Application has been made to the present Marquis of Exeter for permission to inspect it, but his Lords.h.i.+p's librarian has no knowledge of its existence. If it could be examined it is probable that if the text was not in Bacon's handwriting some notes or alterations might be recognised as his. The writer says he was an eye witness of Burghley's life and actions twenty-five years together--that would be from 1573 to 1598, which would well accord with the present contention. If Bacon was the author it throws considerable light on his relations with Burghley and establishes the fact that they were of the most cordial and affectionate character.

It is reported that Bacon said that in the time of the Burghleys--father and son--clever or able men were repressed, and mainly upon this has been based the impression that Burghley opposed Francis Bacon's progress.

Burghley's biographer refers to this report. He writes: "He was careful and desirous to furder and advaunce men of quality and desart to be Councellors and officers to her Majesty wherein he placed manie and laboured to bring in more ... yet would envy with her slaunders report he hindered men from rising; but howe true it is wise men maie judge, for it was the Queene to take whom she pleased and not in a subject to preferree whom he listed."

It will eventually be proved that such a report conveys an incorrect view. In the letter of 1591,[38] addressed to Burghley, Bacon says:--"Besides I do not find in myself so much self-love, but that the greater parts of my thoughts are to deserve well (if I were able) of my friends and namely of your Lords.h.i.+p; who being the Atlas of this Commonwealth, the honour of my house, and the second founder of my poor estate, I am tied by all duties, both of a good patriot, and of an unworthy kinsman, and of an obliged servant, to employ whatsoever I am to do your service," and later in the letter he employs the phrase, "And if your Lords.h.i.+p will not carry me on," and then threatens to sell the inheritance that he has, purchase some quick revenue that may be executed by another, and become some sorry bookmaker or a pioneer in that mine of truth which Anaxagoras said lay so deep.

Again, in a letter to Burghley, dated 31st March, 1594, he says:--"Lastly, that howsoever this matter may go, yet I may enjoy your lords.h.i.+p's good favour and help as I have done in regard to my private estate, which as I have not altogether neglected so I have but negligently attended and which hath been bettered only by yourself (the Queen except) and not by any other in matter of importance." Further on he says: "Thus again desiring the continuance of your Lords.h.i.+p's goodness as I have hitherto found it on my part sought also to deserve, I commend," etc.

It is very easy, with little information as to Bacon's actions and little knowledge of the period, to form a definite opinion as to the relations of Bacon and Burghley. The more information as to the one and knowledge of the other one gets, the more difficult does it become to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. Here was the son of Elizabeth's great Lord Keeper, the nephew of her trusted minister, himself from his boyhood a _persona grata_ with the Queen, of brilliant parts and great wisdom--if he had been a mere place-hunter his desires could have been satisfied over and over again. There was some condition of circ.u.mstance, of which nothing has. .h.i.therto been known, which prevented him from obtaining the object of his desires. That he had a definite object, and had mapped out a course by which he hoped to achieve it, is evident from his letters[39] already quoted. It is equally clear that the course he sought to pursue entailed his abandoning the law as a profession. Either he would only have such place as he desired, and on his own terms, or he was known to be following some course which, although not distasteful to his close friends, caused him to be held in suspicion, if not distrust, by the courtiers with whom Elizabeth was surrounded. Every additional fact that comes to light seems to point to the truth being that through his life Burghley was Francis Bacon's staunch friend and supporter. Upon Sir Nicholas Bacon's death Burghley appears with Bodley to have been maintaining Bacon in his travels abroad. Upon his return to England Burghley gave him financial support in his great project. In 1591 there was a crisis--someone had been spending money for the past twelve years freely in making English literature. That cannot be gainsaid. Burghley appears to have pulled up and remonstrated; hence Bacon's letter containing the threat before referred to. It is significant that it was immediately after this letter was written that Bacon's a.s.sociation with Ess.e.x commenced. Bacon would take him and Southampton into his confidence and seek their help. Ess.e.x was just the man to respond with enthusiasm. Francis introduced Anthony to him. The services of the brothers were placed at his disposal, and he undertook to manage the Queen. The office of Attorney-General for Francis would meet the case. "It was dangerous in a factious age to have my Lord Ess.e.x his favour," says the biographer before quoted.[40]

That Burghley was favourable to his appointment as Attorney-General two letters written by Francis to Lord Keeper Puckering in 1594 testify. In the first Bacon writes: "I pray your Lords.h.i.+p to call to remembrance my Lord Treasurer's kind course, who affirmed directly all the rest to be unfit. And because _vis unita fortior_ I beg your Lords.h.i.+p to take a time with the Queen when my Lord Treasurer is present."

In a second letter he writes: "I thought good to remember your good Lords.h.i.+p and to request you as I touched in my last that if my Lord Treasurer be absent your Lords.h.i.+p would forbear to fall into my business with her Majesty lest it mought receive some foil before the time when it should be resolutely dealt in."

Only Burghley was found to support Ess.e.x's advocacy, and on the whole this was not to be wondered at. Such an appointment, to say the least, would have been an experiment. Possibly Ess.e.x was the stumbling-block, but it may be that the real objection on the part of the Queen and her advisers was that Bacon was known to be so amorous of certain learned arts, so much given over to invention, that the consensus of opinion was that he was thereby unfitted to hold an important office of the State.

Or it may be that he was discredited by his suspected or known a.s.sociation with certain printers. There was some reason of which no explanation can now be traced.

It has been suggested that in 1591 there was a crisis in Bacon's life.

That is evident from the letter to Burghley written in that year. John Harrington's translation of "Orlando Furioso" was published about this time. The ma.n.u.script, which is in a perfect condition, is in the British Museum, and has been marked in Bacon's handwriting throughout. The pagination and the printer's signature are placed at the commencement of the stanzas to be printed on each page, and there are instructions to the printer at the end which are not in his hand.

There are good grounds for attributing the notes at the end of each chapter to Bacon.

It is very improbable that Sir John Harrington had the cla.s.sical knowledge which the writer of these notes must have possessed. There is a letter written by him to Sir Amias Pawlett, dated January, 1606-7. He is relating an interview with King James, and says: "Then he (the king) enquyrede muche of lernynge and showede me his owne in such sorte as made me remember my examiner at Cambridge aforetyme. He soughte muche to knowe my advances in philosophie and utterede profounde sentences of Aristotle and such lyke wryters, whiche I had never reade and which some are bolde enoughe to saye others do not understand." It would be difficult to mention any cla.s.sical author with whose works the writer of these notes was not familiar, or to believe that "Epigrams both Pleasant and Serious" (1615) came from the pen of that writer.

At the end of the thirty-seventh chapter the following note occurs: "It was because she (Porcia) wrote some verses in manner of an Epitaph upon her husband after his decease: In which kind, that honourable Ladie (widow of the late Lord John Russell) deserveth no lesse commendation, having done as much for two husbands. And whereas my author maketh so great bost only of one learned woman in Italie, I may compare (besides one above all comparison that I have noted in the twent.i.th booke) three or foure in England out of one family, and namely the sisters of that learned Ladie, as witness that verse written by the meanest of the foure to the Ladie Burlie which I doubt if Cambridge or Oxford can mend."

The four Si mihi quem cupio cures Mildreda She wrote to daughters of remitti Lady Burlie Sir Anthonie Tu bona, tu melior, tu mihi sola to send a Cooke-- soror; kinsman of Ladie Burlie, Sin mali cessando retines, & trans hers into Ladie Russell, mare mittis, Cornwall, Lady Bacon, Tu mala, tu peior, tu mihi nulla where she Mistress soror. dwelt, and to Killygrew. Is si Cornubiam, tibi pax sit & stop his going omnia laeta, beyond sea.

Sin mare Ceciliae nuncio bella.

Vale.[41]

The writer of the Latin verse was _not_ Ladie Russell, and it was written _to_ Ladie Burlie, so she must either be Ladie Bacon or Mistress Killigrew. It is not an improbable theory that Ladie Bacon was writing to her sister Mildred, who had, through her husband, power either to send Francis to Cornwall or permit him to be sent away over the seas.

There is a copy of Machiavelli's "History of Florence," 1595, with Bacon's notes in the margins.[42]

At the end is a memorandum giving the dates when the book was read "in Cornwall at," and then follow two words, the second of which is "Lake,"

but the first is undecipherable.

Is it possible that Lady Anne Bacon had a house in Cornwall which Francis Bacon, inheriting after her death, was in the habit of visiting for retirement? But this is conjecture.

The following point is of interest. In the "Life of Burghley" (1598) it is said that: "Bookes weare so pleasing to him, as when he gott libertie to goe unto his house to take ayre, if he found a book worth the openinge, he wold rather loose his ridinge than his readinge; and yet ryding in his garden walks upon his litle moile was his greatest Disport: But so soone as he came in he fell to his readinge againe or els to dispatchinge busines."