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British Socialism Part 57

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That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emanc.i.p.ation of the working cla.s.s from the domination of the master cla.s.s, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their democratic control by the whole people.

That as in the order of social evolution the working cla.s.s is the last cla.s.s to achieve its freedom, the emanc.i.p.ation of the working cla.s.s will involve the emanc.i.p.ation of all mankind, without distinction of race or s.e.x.

That this emanc.i.p.ation must be the work of the working cla.s.s itself.

That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist cla.s.s of the wealth taken from the workers, the working cla.s.s must organise consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, national and local, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emanc.i.p.ation, and the overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and plutocratic.

That as all political parties are but the expression of cla.s.s interests, and as the interest of the working cla.s.s is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the master cla.s.s, the party seeking working-cla.s.s emanc.i.p.ation must be hostile to every other party.



The Socialist Party of Great Britain, therefore, enters the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labour or avowedly capitalist, and calls upon the members of the working cla.s.s of this country to muster under its banner to the end that a speedy termination may be wrought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labour, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom.

PLATFORM OF THE SOCIALIST LABOUR PARTY

The Socialist Labour Party is a political organisation seeking to establish political and social freedom for all, and seeing in the conquest by the Socialist Working Cla.s.s of all the governmental and administrative powers of the nation the means to the attainment of that end.

It affirms its belief that political and social freedom are not two separate and unrelated ideas, but are two sides of the one great principle, each being incomplete without the other.

The course of society politically has been from warring but democratic tribes within each nation to a united government under an absolutely undemocratic monarchy. Within this monarchy again developed revolts against its power, revolts at first seeking to limit its prerogatives only, then demanding the inclusion of certain cla.s.ses in the governing power, then demanding the right of the subject to criticise and control the power of the monarch, and finally, in the most advanced countries this movement culminated in the total abolition of the monarchical inst.i.tution, and the transformation of the subject into the citizen.

In industry a corresponding development has taken place. The independent producer, owning his own tools and knowing no master, has given way before the more effective productive powers of huge capital, concentrated in the hands of the great capitalist. The latter, recognising no rights in his workers, ruled as an absolute monarch in his factory. But within the realm of capital developed a revolt against the power of the capitalist. This revolt, taking the form of trade unionism, has pursued in the industrial field the same line of development as the movement for political freedom has pursued in the sphere of national government. It first contented itself with protests against excessive exactions, against all undue stretchings of the power of the capitalist; then its efforts broadened out to demands for restrictions upon the absolute character of such power, _i.e._, by claiming for trade unions the right to make rules for the workers in the workshop; then it sought to still further curb the capitalist's power by shortening the working day, and so limiting the period during which the toiler may be exploited. Finally, it seeks by Boards of Arbitration to establish an equivalent in the industrial world for that compromise in the political world by which, in const.i.tutional countries, the monarch retains his position by granting a parliament to divide with him the duties of governing, and so hides while securing his power. And as in the political history of the race the logical development of progress was found in the abolition of the inst.i.tution of monarchy, and not in its mere restriction, so in industrial history the culminating point to which all efforts must at last converge lies in the abolition of the capitalist cla.s.s, and not in the mere restriction of its powers.

The Socialist Labour Party, recognising these two phases of human development, unites them in its programme, and seeks to give them a concrete embodiment by its demand for a Socialist Republic.

It recognises in all past history a preparation for this achievement, and in the industrial tendencies of to-day it hails the workings out of those laws of human progress which bring that object within our reach.

The concentration of capital in the form of trusts at the same time as it simplifies the task we propose that society shall undertake, viz.

the dispossession of the capitalist cla.s.s, and the administration of all land and instruments of industry as social property, of which all shah be co-heirs and owners.

As to-day the organised power of the State theoretically guarantees to every individual his political rights, so in the Socialist Republic the power and productive forces of organised society will stand between every individual and want, guaranteeing that right to life without which all other rights are but mockery.

Short of the complete dispossession of the capitalist cla.s.s which this implies there is no hope for the workers.

SPEED THE DAY.

THE CHRISTIAN SOCIAL UNION

The Union consists of members of the Church of England who have the following objects at heart:--

1. To claim for the Christian law the ultimate authority to rule social practice.

2. To study in common how to apply the moral truths and principles of Christianity to the social and economic difficulties of the present time.

3. To present Christ in practical life as the living Master and King, the enemy of wrong and selfishness, the power of righteousness and love.

THE CHURCH SOCIALIST LEAGUE

_Principles._--The Church has a mission to the whole of human life, Social and Individual, Material and Spiritual.

2. The Church can best fulfil its social mission by acting together in its corporate capacity.

3. To this end the members of the League accept the principles of Socialism.

_Object._--To secure the corporate action of the Church on these principles.

_Method._--1. To cultivate by the regular use of prayer and sacraments the life of brotherhood.

2. Members undertake to help each other in fulfilling the object of the League by speaking and lecturing and in other ways.

3. Members shall co-operate as far as possible to secure the consideration of social questions at their various Rurideca.n.a.l and Diocesan Conferences and the election of Socialists on these and other representative bodies.

4. Members shall work for the disestablishment of the patron and the subst.i.tution of the Church in each parish in conjunction with the Church in the diocese in the patron's place.

5. To secure the representation of the wage-earning cla.s.ses upon all the representative bodies of the Church.

GUILD OF ST. MATTHEW

_Objects._--1. To get rid, by every possible means, of the existing prejudices, especially on the part of "Secularists," against the Church, her sacraments and her doctrines: and to endeavour to "justify G.o.d to the people."

2. To promote frequent and reverent wors.h.i.+p in the Holy Communion, and a better observance of the teaching of the Church of England as set forth in the Book of Common Prayer.

3. To promote the study of social and political questions in the light of the Incarnation.

FOOTNOTES:

[1287] This paragraph is not to be understood as debarring individual members of the possessing cla.s.ses from partic.i.p.ating in the work of the movement.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF BOOKS, PAMPHLETS, PERIODICALS, REPORTS, AND PAPERS QUOTED IN THIS VOLUME

_Abolition of Poor Law Guardians._ Fabian Society. London. 1906.

ADAMS, FRANCIS: "_The Ma.s.s of Christ._" Labour Press Society.

Manchester.

_The Advance of Socialism._ (Leaflet.) Independent Labour Party.

London. 1907.

_After Bread--Education._ Fabian Society. London. 1905.

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British Socialism Part 57 summary

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