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"Poxman!" Tiborough called. The columnist turned. "My orders are that no one leaves," Tiborough said.
"You are not an exception." He turned back to face Custer.
The room had fallen into a semblance of quiet, although there still were pockets of muttering and there
was the sound of running feet and a hurrying about in the hall outside.
"Two channels went out of here live," Tiborough said. "Nothing much we can do about them, although we will trace down as many of their viewers as we can. Every bit of film in this room and every sound tape will be confiscated, however." His voice rose as protests sounded from the press section. "Our
national security is at stake. The President has been notified. Such measures as are necessary will be taken."
The colonel came hurrying into the room, crossed to Tiborough, quietly said something.
"You should've warned me!" Tiborough snapped. "I had no idea that. . . ."
The colonel interrupted with a whispered comment.
"These papers . . . your d.a.m.ned report is not clear!" Tiborough said. He looked around at Custer. "I see
you're smiling, Mr. Custer. I don't think you'll find much to smile about before long."
"Senator, this is not a happy smile," Custer said. "But I told myself several days ago you'd fail to see the
implications of this thing." He tapped the pistol-shaped device he had rested on the table. "I told myself you'd fall back into the old, useless pattern."
"Is that what you told yourself, really?" Tiborough said.
Wallace, hearing the venom in the Senator's voice, moved his chair a few inches farther away from
Custer.
Tiborough looked at the laser projector. "Is that thing really disarmed?"
"Yes, sir."
"If I order one of my men to take it from you, you will not resist?"
"Which of your men will you trust with it, Senator?" Custer asked.
In the long silence that followed, someone in the press section emitted a nervous guffaw.
"Virtually every man on my ranch has one of these things," Custer said. "We fell trees with them, cut firewood, make fence posts. Every letter written to me as a result of my patent application has been
answered candidly. More than a thousand sets of schematics and instructions on how to build this device have been sent out to varied places in the world."
"You vicious traitor!" Tiborough rasped.
"You're certainly ent.i.tled to your opinion, Senator," Custer said. "But I warn you I've had time for
considerably more concentrated and considerably more painful thought than you've applied to this problem. In my estimation, I had no choice. Every week I waited to make this thing public, every day, every minute, merely raised the odds that humanity would be destroyed by. . . ."
"You said this thing applied to the bearings on the grazing act," Plowers protested, and there was a
plaintive note of complaint in his voice.
"Senator, I told you the truth," Custer said. "There's no real reason to change the act, now. We intend to go on operating under it-with the agreement of our neighbors and others concerned. People are still going to need food."
Tiborough glared at him. "You're saying we can't force you to . . ." He broke off at a disturbance in the doorway. A rope barrier had been stretched there and a line of Marines stood with their backs to it, facing the hall. A mob of people was trying to press through. Press cards were being waved.
"Colonel, I told you to clear that hall!" Tiborough barked.
The colonel ran to the barrier. "Use your bayonets if you have to!" he shouted.
The disturbance subsided at the sound of his voice. More uniformed men could be seen moving in along
the barrier. Presently, the noise receded.
Tiborough turned back to Custer. "You make Benedict Arnold look like the greatest friend the United States ever had," he said.
"Cursing me isn't going to help you," Custer said. "You are going to have to live with this thing; so you'd
better try understanding it."
"That appears to be simple," Tiborough said. "All I have to do is send twenty-five cents to the Patent office for the schematics and then write you a letter."
"The world already was headed toward suicide," Custer said. "Only fools failed to realize. . . ."
"So you decided to give us a little push," Tiborough said.
"H. G. Wells warned us," Custer said. "That's how far back it goes, but n.o.body listened. 'Human history
becomes more and more a race between education and catastrophe,' Wells said. But those were just words. Many scientists have remarked the growth curve on the amount of raw energy becoming available to humans-and the diminis.h.i.+ng curve on the number of persons required to use that energy.
For a long time now, more and more violent power was being made available to fewer and fewer people.
It was only a matter of time until total destruction was put into the hands of single individuals."
"And you didn't think you could take your government into your confidence."
"The government already was committed to a political course diametrically opposite the one this device
requires," Custer said. "Virtually every man in the government has a vested interest in not reversing that course."
"So you set yourself above the government?"
"I'm probably wasting my time," Custer said, "but I'll try to explain it. Virtually every government in the world is dedicated to manipulating something called the 'ma.s.s man.' That's how governments have stayed in power. But there is no such man. When you elevate the nonexistent 'ma.s.s man' you degrade the individual. And obviously it was only a matter of time until all of us were at the mercy of the individual holding power."
"You talk like a commie!"
"They'll say I'm a G.o.dd.a.m.n capitalist p.a.w.n," Custer said. "Let me ask you, Senator, to visualize a poor radio technician in a South American country. Brazil, for example. He lives a hand-to-mouth existence,
ground down by an overbearing, unimaginative, essentially uncouth ruling oligarchy. What is he going to do when this device comes into his hands?"
"Murder, robbery and anarchy."
"You could be right," Custer said. "But we might reach an understanding out of ultimate necessity-that
each of us must cooperate in maintaining the dignity of all."
Tiborough stared at him, began to speak musingly: "We'll have to control the essential materials for constructing this thing . . . and there may be trouble for a while, but. . . ."
"You're a vicious fool."
In the cold silence that followed, Custer said: "It was too late to try that ten years ago. I'm telling you
this thing can be patchworked out of a wide variety of materials that are already scattered over the earth.
It can be made in bas.e.m.e.nts and mud huts, in palaces and shacks. The key item is the crystals, but other crystals will work, too. That's obvious. A patient man can grow crystals . . . and this world is full of patient men."
"I'm going to place you under arrest," Tiborough said. "You have outraged every rule-"
"You're living in a dream world," Custer said. "I refuse to threaten you, but I'll defend myself from any
attempt to oppress or degrade me. If I cannot defend myself, my friends will defend me. No man who understands what this device means will permit his dignity to be taken from him."
Custer allowed a moment for his words to sink in, then: "And don't twist those words to imply a threat.
Refusal to threaten a fellow human is an absolute requirement in the day that has just dawned on us."
"You haven't changed a thing!" Tiborough raged. "If one man is powerful with that thing, a hundred are. . . ."
"All previous insults aside," Custer said, "I think you are a highly intelligent man, Senator. I ask you to
think long and hard about this device. Use of power is no longer the deciding factor because one man is as powerful as a million. Restraint-self-restraint is now the key to survival. Each of us is at the mercy of his neighbor's good will. Each of us, Senator-the man in the palace and the man in the shack. We'd better do all we can to increase that good will-not attempting to buy it, but simply recognizing that individual dignity is the one inalienable right of. . . ."
"Don't you preach to me, you commie traitor!" Tiborough rasped. "You're a living example of. . . ."