A Collection of State-Papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America Part 1

A Collection of State-Papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America.

by John Adams.

INTRODUCTION

As the States General of the United Provinces have acknowledged the independency of the United States of North America, and made a treaty of commerce with them, it may not be improper to prefix a short account of John Adams, Esq; who, pursuing the interests of his country, hath brought about these important events.

Mr. Adams is descended from one of the first families which founded the colony of the Ma.s.sachusets Bay in 1630. He applied himself early to the study of the laws of his country; and no sooner entered upon the practice thereof, but he drew the attention, admiration, and esteem of his countrymen, on account of his eminent abilities and probity of character. Not satisfied with barely maintaining the rights of individuals, he soon signalized himself in the defence of his country, and mankind at large, by writing his admirable Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Laws; a work so well worth the attention of every man who is an enemy to ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, that it is here subjoined.

It showed the author at an early period capable of seconding efficaciously the formation of republics on the principles of justice and virtue. Such a man became most naturally an object of Governor Barnard's seduction. The perversion of his abilities might be of use in a bad cause; the corruption of his principles might tarnish the best.

But the arts of the Governor, which had succeeded with so many, were ineffectual with Mr. Adams, who openly declared he would not accept a favour, however flatteringly offered, which might in any manner connect him with the enemy of the rights of his country, or tend to embarra.s.s him, as it had happened with too many others, in the discharge of his duty to the public. Seduction thus failing of its ends, calumny, menaces, and the height of power were made use of against him. They lost the effect proposed, but had that, which the show of baseness and violence ever produce on a mind truly virtuous. They increased his honest firmness, because they manifested, that the times required more than ordinary exertions of manliness. In consequence of this conduct, Mr. Adams obtained the highest honours which a virtuous man can receive from the good and the bad. He was honoured with the disapprobation of the Governor, who refused his admission into the council of the province; and he met with the applause of his countrymen in general, who sent him to a.s.sist at the Congress in 1774, in which he was most active, being one of the princ.i.p.al promoters of the famous resolution of the 4th of July, when the colonies declared themselves FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES.

This step being taken, Mr. Adams saw the inefficacy of meeting the English Commissioners, and voted against the proposition; Congress, however, having determined to pursue this measure, sent him, together with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Rutledge, to General Howe's head quarters.

These Deputies, leading with them, in a manly way, the hostages which the general had given for their security, marched to the place of conference, in the midst of twenty thousand men ranged under arms.

Whether this military shew was meant to do honour to the Americans, or to give them an high idea of the English force, is not worth enquiry. If its object was to terrify the Deputies of Congress, it failed; making no more impression on them, than the sudden discovery of elephants did upon certain emba.s.sadors of old. The utmost politeness having pa.s.sed on both sides, the conference ended, as had been foreseen, without any effect.

Mr. Adams having been fifteen months one of the Commissioners of the War department, and a princ.i.p.al suggestor of the terms to be offered to France, for forming treaties of alliance and commerce, he was sent to the court of Versailles, as one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States. After continuing some time invested with this important trust, he returned to America; where he no sooner appeared, than he was called upon by the State of Ma.s.sachusets Bay, to a.s.sist in forming a system of government, that might establish the rights of all on clear, just, and permanent grounds. He was never employed in a business more agreeable to himself; for, the happiness of his Fellow-Citizens is his great object. He sought not honour in this arduous undertaking, but it fell ultimately upon _Him_. He has gained it all over Europe. If he endeavoured to obtain by it the esteem and love of his countrymen, he has succeeded; for they know they are chiefly indebted to him for the const.i.tution of the State of Ma.s.sachusets Bay, as it stands at this day.

This important business being completed to the satisfaction of all, he came back to Europe, with full powers from Congress to a.s.sist at any conferences which might be opened for the establishment of peace; and had sent him, soon after, other powers to negociate a loan of money for the use of the United States; and to represent them, as their Minister Plenipotentiary, to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces. Such important trusts shew, in what estimation he is held by his country; and his manner of executing them, that confidence is well placed.

On his arrival in Holland, nothing could have been more unpromising to the happy execution of his mission, than were the affairs of that country. The influence of the Court of St. James's over a certain set of men, the interest that many had in the funds and commerce of England, and the dread of her power, which generally prevailed throughout the Provinces, obliged him to act with the utmost circ.u.mspection. Unknown, and at first unnoticed, (at least but by a few) he had nothing to do but to examine into the state of things, and characters of the leading men.

This necessary knowledge was scarcely acquired, when the conduct of the British Ministry afforded him an opportunity of shewing himself more openly. The contempt, insult and violence, with which the whole Belgic nation was treated, gave him great advantages over the English Emba.s.sador at the Hague. He served himself of his rivals rashness and folly with great coolness and ability; and, by consequence, became so particularly obnoxious to the prevailing party, that he did not dare to go to a village scarcely a day's journey from his residence, but with the utmost secrecy: the fate of Dorislaus was before his eyes. Having been therefore under the necessity of making himself a Burgher of Amsterdam, for protection against the malice of the times, he soon gained the good opinion of the Magistrates by his prudent conduct as a private Citizen. The bad policy of England, enabled him to step forward as a public character. As such he presented to the States General his famous Memorial, dated the 19th of April, 1781, wherein the declaration of the independency of America on the 4th of July, 1776, was justified; the unalterable resolution of the United States to abide thereby a.s.serted; the interest that all the powers of Europe, and particularly the States General, have in maintaining it, proved; the political and natural grounds of a commercial connection between the two Republics pointed out; and information given that the Memorialist was invested with full powers from Congress to treat with their High Mightinesses for the good of both countries.

The presenting this Memorial was a delicate step; Mr. Adams was sensible, that he alone was answerable for its consequences, it being taken not merely from his own single suggestion, but contrary to the opinion and advice of some of great weight and authority. However, maturely considering the measure, he saw it in all its lights, and boldly ventured on the undertaking. The full and immediate effect of it was not expected at once. The first object was, that the nation should consider the matter thoroughly; it being evident, that the more it was ruminated on, the more obvious would be the advantages and necessity of a connection between the two countries. When, therefore, the Memorial was taken by the States General _ad referendum_, the first point was gained; the people thought of, and reasoned on the matter set before them; many excellent writings appeared, and they made the greatest impression; a weekly paper in particular, ent.i.tled Le Politique Hollandois, drew the attention of all, on account of its information, the soundness of its argument, and its political judgment and patriotism. At length the time came when the work was to be compleated: the generality of the people of Holland, seeing the necessity of opening a new course to their trade, which the violent aggression of England, and the commercial spirit of other nations tended to diminish, demanded an immediate connection with the United States of America, as a means of indemnifying themselves for the loss which a declared enemy had brought on them, and the rivals.h.i.+p of neighbouring nations might produce.

Mr. Adams seized the occasion which the public disposition afforded him, and presented his Ulteriour Address of the 9th of January, 1782; referring therein to his Memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and demanding a categorical answer thereto. The Towns, Cities, Quarters, and States of the several Provinces took the whole matter into immediate deliberation, and instructed their several Deputies, in the States General, to concur in the admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of North America. This was done by a resolution, pa.s.sed by their High Mightinesses the 19th of April, 1782; and on the 22d of the same month, Mr. Adams was admitted accordingly, with all the usual ceremonies.

This event seems to have been as great a blow as any that has been given to the pride and interests of England during the war. It shewed the Dutch were no longer over-awed by the power of their enemy, for they dared to brave him to his teeth. It set an example to other nations, to partake of the commerce of those countries, which England had lost by her inconsiderate conduct. It confounded at once the English partisans in Holland, and proved that Sir Joseph Yorke was not the great minister he had hitherto been supposed to be. It gave occasion to an amba.s.sador of one of the greatest monarchs of Europe to say to Mr. Adams: _Vous avez frappe, Monsieur, le plus grand coup de tout l' Europe. C'est le plus grand coup, qui a ete frappe dans le cause Americain. C'est vous qui a effraye et terra.s.se les Anglomannes. C'est vous qui a rempli cette nation d'enthousiasme._ And then turning to another gentleman, he said, _Ce n'est pas pour faire compliment a Monsieur Adams, que je dis cela: c'est parcequ'en verite, je crois que c'est sa due._

This diplomatic compliment has been followed by others. I transcribe with pleasure a convivial one contained in the following lines, which an ingenious and patriotic Dutchman addressed to his excellency Mr. Adams, on drinking to him out of a large beautiful gla.s.s, which is called a _baccale_, and had inscribed round its brim, _Aurea Libertas_:

AUREA LIBERTAS! _gaude! pars altera mundi Vindice te renuit subdere colla jugo.

Haec tibi legatum quem consors Belga recepit Pectore sincero pocula plena fero.

Utraque gens nectet, mox suspicienda tyrannis, Quae libertati vincula sacra precor!_

They who have an opportunity of knowing his Excellency Mr. Adams trace in his features the most unequivocal marks of probity and candour. He unites to that gravity, suitable to the character with which he is invested, an affability, which prejudices you in his favour. Although of a silent turn, as William the Prince of Orange was, and most great men are, who engage in important affairs, he has nevertheless a natural eloquence for the discussion of matters which are the objects of his mission, and for the recommending and enforcing the truths, measures, and systems, which are dictated by sound policy. He has neither the corrupted nor corrupting principles of Lord Chesterfield, nor the qualities of Sir Joseph Yorke, but the plain and virtuous demeanor of Sir William Temple. Like him too he is simple in negociation, where he finds candour in those who treat with him. Otherwise he has the severity of a true republican, his high idea of virtue giving him a rigidness, which makes it difficult for him to accommodate himself to those intrigues which European politics have introduced into negociation. "_Il sait que l'art de negocier n'est pas l'art d'intriguer et de tromper; quil ne consiste pas a corrompre; a se jouer des sermens et a semer les alarmes et les divisions; qu'un negociateur habile peut parvenir a son but sans ces expediens, qui sont la triste ressource des intriguans, sans avoir recours a des manoeuvres detournes et extraordinaires. Il trouve dans la nature meme des affaires quil negocie des incidens propres a faire reussir tous ses projets._"

MEMORIAL

TO THEIR

HIGH MIGHTINESSES

THE

STATES GENERAL

OF THE

United Provinces of the Low Countries.

_High and Mighty Lords_;

The Subscriber has the honour to propose to your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress a.s.sembled, have lately thought fit to send him a commission (with full powers and instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses concerning a treaty of amity and commerce, an authentic copy of which he has the honour to annex to this memorial.

At the times when the treaties between this Republic and the Crown of Great Britain were made, the people, who now compose the United States of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the Republic, and parties to those treaties; ent.i.tled to all their benefits, and submitting chearfully to all their obligations.

It is true, that when the British Administration, renouncing the ancient character of Englishmen for generosity, justice, and humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political systems of the Colonies; depriving them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all forms of government; starving the people by blockading the ports, and cutting off their fisheries and commerce; sending fleets and armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of liberty, and to consume their habitations and their lives; making contracts for foreign troops, and alliances with savage nations to a.s.sist them in their enterprise; casting formally, by act of parliament, three millions of people at once out of the protection of the Crown: Then, and not till then, did the United States of America, in Congress a.s.sembled, pa.s.s that memorable act, by which they a.s.sumed an equal station among the nations.

This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was invaded by an hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid before parliament, by 55,000 of veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden pa.s.sion or enthusiasm; but a measure which had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular a.s.semblies, and by public writings in all the states. It was a measure which Congress did not adopt, until they had received the positive instructions of their const.i.tuents in all the States: It was then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all its members, transmitted to the a.s.semblies of the several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified, and recorded among their archives; so that no decree, edict, statute, placart, or fundamental law of any nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole people, than this: And it has been held sacred to this day by every state, with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the Thirteen States has inst.i.tuted a form of government for itself, under the AUTHORITY OF THE PEOPLE; has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive authority with all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; its army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy: And all those departments of government have been regularly and const.i.tutionally organized under the a.s.sociated superintendency of Congress, now these five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity equal to the oldest and most established governments. It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English it is still contended that the people of America are still in principle and affection with them: But these a.s.sertions are made against such evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising they should find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen years, to shew that similar misrepresentations have been incessantly repeated through that whole period; and that the conclusion of every year has in fact confuted the confident a.s.sertions and predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say from his own knowledge of the people of America, (and he has a better right to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know, than any Briton whatsoever) that _they are unalterably determined to maintain their Independence_. He confesses, that, notwithstanding his confidence through his whole life in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of character among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprised him. That all the power, arts, intrigues, and bribes which have been employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard of virtue so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have been expected. This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people's interests, honour, consciences, and affections, that it will not be affected by any successes the English may obtain either in America, or against the European powers at war, nor by any alliances they can possibly form; if indeed, in so unjust and desperate a cause they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by necessity, and warranted by the fundamental laws of the colonies, and of the British const.i.tution, by principles avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many examples in the English history; by principles interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great examples of the Helvetic and Belgic confederacies, and many others; and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body; principles founded in eternal justice, and the laws of G.o.d and nature, to cut asunder for ever all the ties which had connected them with Great Britain: Yet the people of America did not consider themselves as separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United Provinces, or departing from their connections with any of the people under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same affection, esteem and respect, for the Dutch nation, in every part of the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.

When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a failure in respect that they did not send a minister to your High Mightinesses, with the first whom they sent abroad: but, instructed in the nature of the connections between Great Britain and the Republic, and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation, or lay embarra.s.sments before it. But, since the British administration, uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much as their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating the law of nations, as they had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies and the inherent rights of British subjects, have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties between the Crown and the Republic, declared war and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they had manifested long before; all those motives, which before restrained the Congress, cease: and an opportunity presents itself of proposing such connections, as the United States of America have a right to form, consistent with the treaties already formed with France and Spain, which they are under every obligation of duty, interest and inclination, to observe sacred and inviolate; and consistent with such other treaties, as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns.

If there was ever among nations a natural alliance, one may be formed between the two Republics. The first planters of the four northern States found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided here from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding their migration. They ever entertained and have transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious liberty they found here, having sought it in vain in England.

The first inhabitants of two other States, New-York and New-Jersey, were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their religion, language, customs, manners and character: And America in general, until her connections with the House of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose history, and the great characters it exhibits, in the various arts of peace, as well as atchievements of war by sea and land, have been particularly studied, admired and imitated in every State.

A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in this as in former ages to the alliance of nations, is still, as it ever will be thought, a desirable circ.u.mstance. Now it may be said with truth, that there are no two nations, whose wors.h.i.+p, doctrine and discipline, are more alike than those of the two Republics. In this particular therefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance would be perfectly natural.

A similarity in the forms of government, is usually considered as another circ.u.mstance, which renders alliances natural: And although the const.i.tutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet a.n.a.logy enough between them, to make a connection easy in this respect.

In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those momentous points, the freedom of enquiry, the right of private judgment and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in more danger from Great Britain and that intolerant spirit which is secretly fomenting there, than from any other quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than any others.

The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history of one seems but a transcript from that of the other: so that every Dutchman instructed in the subject, must p.r.o.nounce the American revolution just and necessary, or pa.s.s a censure upon the greatest actions of his immortal ancestors: actions which have been approved and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven.

But the circ.u.mstance, which perhaps in this age has stronger influence than any other in the formation of friends.h.i.+ps between nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce; of the whole system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters for me to say any thing that is not familiarly known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connection with her very desirable to America: and, on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation and commerce; the vast demand and consumption in America of the manufactures of Europe, of merchandises from the Baltic, and from the East Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connection with the United States would be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible of this, that notwithstanding all their professions of friends.h.i.+p, they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the Colonists. There is now an opportunity offered to both, to shake off this shackle for ever. If any consideration whatever could have induced them to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an alliance between the two Republics: and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace, than such a connection once completely formed. It is needless to point out, particularly, what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the Republic in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected and encouraged, between them and the Continent of America; or what profits might be made by the Dutch East India Company, by carrying their effects directly to the American market; or how much even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America; which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more for hemp, cordage, sail-cloth, and other articles of that commerce: how much the national navigation would be benefited by building and purchasing s.h.i.+ps there: how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much more advantageous it would prove to both countries, to have their ports mutually opened to their men of war and privateers, and to their prizes.

If, therefore, an a.n.a.logy of religion, government, origin, manners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground and an invitation to political connections, the subscriber flatters himself that, in all these particulars, the union is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.

It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American cause, (and where is one to be found that is not?) should make haste to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late marine treaty concerning the rights of neutral vessels, n.o.ble and useful as it is, can be established against Great Britain, who will never adopt it, nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America?

Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen and magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that enormous empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of its own power, at least without a proportional attention to justice, humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British government, on the one hand, and that the powers of Europe ought not and could not with safety consent to it, if they were so inclined, on the other; why should a source of contention be left open, for future contingencies to involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in possession of sovereignty by right and in fact, it might be closed?

The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is, hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especially those which are parties to the late marine treaty: nor can the apprehension that the independence of America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objection.

This jealousy is so groundless that the reverse would happen. The freight and insurance in voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and the price of labour in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and s.h.i.+p-timber never can be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate, as it has been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the revolution with difficulty, and not without large parliamentary bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sail-cloth there will not probably be a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, because these articles may be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg and Archangel, cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will therefore be for ages a market for these articles of the Baltic trade.

Nor is there more solidity in another supposition, propagated by the English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests, that the colonies of other nations will follow the example of the United States. Those powers, who have as large possessions as any beyond seas, have already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed there is no probability of any other power of Europe following the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of the government of colonies, and reducing them by oppression to the necessity of governing themselves: and, without such manifest injustice and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no danger of colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded deep in the hearts, the pa.s.sions, the imaginations and understandings of the people; and without some violent change from without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness for very precarious benefits.

It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether the system of the United States, which was minutely considered and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without being governed or monopolized by any: a system which was afterwards approved by the king, and made the foundation of the treaties with his majesty: a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not expected, is not the only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations. If this idea be just, it follows, that _it is the interest of every state in Europe to acknowledge American independency immediately_. If such benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a proportional blessing to every part of the old.

The subscriber has the farther honour of informing your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress a.s.sembled, impressed with an high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friends.h.i.+p of a nation, eminent for its wisdom, justice, and moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their minister plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more particular a.s.surances of the great respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses; beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire credit to every thing, which their said minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall a.s.sure you of the sincerity of their friends.h.i.+p and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of Congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter of credence to his most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.

All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person, or persons, to treat on the subject of his mission, by

LEYDEN 19 April 1781.