Henry VIII Part 11

[Footnote 341: _Ibid._, iv., 5412; for the freedom with which Cranmer in later days debated with Henry see the present writer's _Cranmer_, p. 169.]

[Footnote 342: _Ibid._, iii., 1659, 1772.]

[Footnote 343: _Ibid._, ii., 3673.]

[Footnote 344: _L. and P._, ii., 4257.]

[Footnote 345: _Ibid._, iii., 1220.]

[Footnote 346: _Ibid._, 1233.]

His book was finished before 21st May, 1521, when the King wrote to Leo, saying that "ever since he knew Luther's heresy in Germany, he had made it his study how to extirpate it. He had called the learned of his kingdom to consider these errors and denounce them, and (p. 125) exhort others to do the same. He had urged the Emperor and Electors, since this pestilent fellow would not return to G.o.d, to extirpate him and his heretical books. He thought it right still further to testify his zeal for the faith by his writings, that all might see he was ready to defend the Church, not only with his arms, but with the resources of his mind. He dedicated therefore, to the Pope, the first offerings of his intellect and his little erudition."[347] The letter had been preceded, on 12th May, by a holocaust of Luther's books in St. Paul's Churchyard. Wolsey sat in state on a scaffold at St. Paul's Cross, with the papal nuncio and the Archbishop of Canterbury at his feet on the right, and the imperial amba.s.sador and Tunstall, Bishop of London, at his feet on the left; and while the books were being devoured by the flames, Fisher preached a sermon denouncing the errors contained therein.[348] But it was July before the fair copy of Henry's book was ready for presentation to Leo; possibly the interval was employed by learned men in polis.h.i.+ng Henry's style, but the substance of the work was undoubtedly of Henry's authors.h.i.+p. Such is the direct testimony of Erasmus, and there is no evidence to indicate the collaboration of others.[349] Pace was then the most intimate of Henry's counsellors, and Pace, by his own confession, was not in the secret. Nor is the book so remarkable as to preclude the possibility of Henry's authors.h.i.+p. Its arguments are respectable and give evidence of an intelligent and fairly extensive acquaintance with the writings of the fathers and schoolmen; but they reveal no profound depth of theological learning nor genius for abstract speculation. It does (p. 126) not rank so high in the realm of theology, as do some of Henry's compositions in that of music. In August it was sent to Leo, with verses composed by Wolsey and copied out in the royal hand.[350] In September the English amba.s.sador at Rome presented Leo his copy, bound in cloth of gold. The Pope read five leaves without interruption, and remarked that "he would not have thought such a book should have come from the King's grace, who hath been occupied, necessarily, in other feats, seeing that other men which hath occupied themselves in study all their lives cannot bring forth the like".[351] On 2nd October it was formally presented in a consistory of cardinals; and, on the 11th, Leo promulgated his bull conferring on Henry his coveted t.i.tle, "Fidei Defensor".

[Footnote 347: _L. and P._, iii., 1297.]

[Footnote 348: _Ibid._, iii., 1273.]

[Footnote 349: F.M. Nichols, _Epistles of Erasmus_, p. 424; _L. and P._, iv., 5412.]

[Footnote 350: _L. and P._, iii., 1450.]

[Footnote 351: _Ibid._, iii., 1574, 1654, 1655, 1659.]

Proud as he was of his scholastic achievement and its reward at the hands of the Pope, Henry was doing more for the future of England by his attention to naval affairs than by his pursuit of high-sounding t.i.tles. His intuitive perception of England's coming needs in this respect is, perhaps, the most striking ill.u.s.tration of his political foresight. He has been described as the father of the British navy; and, had he not laid the foundations of England's naval power, his daughter's victory over Spain and entrance on the path that led to empire would have been impossible. Under Henry, the navy was first organised as a permanent force; he founded the royal dockyards at Woolwich and Deptford, and the corporation of Trinity House;[352] he encouraged the planting of timber for s.h.i.+pbuilding, enacted laws (p. 127) facilitating inland navigation, dotted the coast with fortifications, and settled the const.i.tution of the naval service upon a plan from which it has ever since steadily developed. He owed his inspiration to none of his councillors, least of all to Wolsey, who had not the faintest glimmering of the importance of securing England's naval supremacy, and who, during the war of 1522-23, preferred futile invasions on land to Henry's "secret designs" for destroying the navy of France.[353] The King's interest in s.h.i.+ps and s.h.i.+pbuilding was strong, even amid the alluring diversions of the first years of his reign. He watched his fleet sail for Guienne in 1512, and for France in 1513; he knew the speed, the tonnage and the armament of every s.h.i.+p in his navy; he supervised the minutest details of their construction.

In 1520 his amba.s.sador at Paris tells him that Francis is building a s.h.i.+p, "and reasoneth in this mystery of s.h.i.+pman's craft as one which had understanding in the same. But, sir, he approacheth not your highness in that science."[354] A French envoy records how, in 1515, the whole English Court went down to see the launch of the _Princess Mary_. Henry himself "acted as pilot and wore a sailor's coat and trousers, made of cloth of gold, and a gold chain with the inscription, 'Dieu _est_ mon droit,' to which was suspended a whistle, which he blew nearly as loud as a trumpet".[355] The launch of a s.h.i.+p was then almost a religious ceremony, and the place of the modern bottle of champagne was taken by a ma.s.s, which was said by the Bishop of Durham.

In 1518 Giustinian tells how Henry went to Southampton to see the Venetian galleys, and caused some new guns to be "fired again and (p. 128) again, marking their range, as he is very curious about matters of this kind".[356]

[Footnote 352: _Ibid._, i., 3807. In 1513 an English consul was appointed at Scio (_ibid._, i., 3854).]

[Footnote 353: _L. and P._, iii., 1440; _cf.

ibid._, 2421.]

[Footnote 354: _Ibid._, iii., 748.]

[Footnote 355: _Ibid._, ii., 1113.]

[Footnote 356: _L. and P._, ii., 4232.]

It was not long before Henry developed an active partic.i.p.ation in serious matters other than theological disputes and naval affairs. It is not possible to trace its growth with any clearness because no record remains of the verbal communications which were sufficient to indicate his will during the constant attendance of Wolsey upon him.

But, as soon as monarch and minister were for some cause or another apart, evidence of Henry's activity in political matters becomes more available. Thus, in 1515, we find Wolsey sending the King, at his own request, the Act of Apparel, just pa.s.sed by Parliament, for Henry's "examination and correction".[357] He also desires Henry's determination about the visit of the Queen of Scotland, that he may make the necessary arrangements. In 1518 Henry made a prolonged stay at Abingdon, partly from fear of the plague, and partly, as he told Pace, because at Abingdon people were not continually coming to tell him of deaths, as they did daily in London. During this absence from London, Henry insisted upon the attendance of sufficient councillors to enable him to transact business; he established a relay of posts every seven hours between himself and Wolsey; and we hear of his reading "every word of all the letters" sent by his minister.[358] Every week Wolsey despatched an account of such State business as he had transacted; and on one occasion, "considering the importance of Wolsey's letters,"

Henry paid a secret and flying visit to London.[359] In 1519 there was a sort of revolution at Court, obscure enough now, but then a (p. 129) subject of some comment at home and abroad. Half a dozen of Henry's courtiers were removed from his person and sent into honourable exile, receiving posts at Calais, at Guisnes, and elsewhere.[360] Giustinian thought that Henry had been gambling too much and wished to turn over a new leaf. There were also rumours that these courtiers governed Henry after their own appet.i.te, to the King's dishonour; and Henry, annoyed at the report and jealous as ever of royal prestige, promptly cas.h.i.+ered them, and filled their places with grave and reverend seniors.

[Footnote 357: _Ibid._, ii., 1223.]

[Footnote 358: _Ibid._, ii., 4060, 4061, 4089.]

[Footnote 359: _L. and P._, ii., 4276.]

[Footnote 360: _Ven. Cal._, ii., 1220, 1230; _L.

and P._, iii., 246, 247, 249, 250. Francis I.

thought they were dismissed as being too favourable to him, and as a rule the younger courtiers favoured France and the older Spain.]

Two years later Wolsey was abroad at the conference of Calais, and again Henry's hand in State affairs becomes apparent. Pace, defending himself from the Cardinal's complaints, tells him that he had done everything "by the King's express commandment, who readeth all your letters with great diligence". One of the letters which angered Wolsey was the King's, for Pace "had devised it very different"; but the King would not approve of it; "and commanded me to bring your said letters into his privy chamber with pen and ink, and there he would declare unto me what I should write. And when his grace had your said letters, he read the same three times, and marked such places as it pleased him to make answer unto, and commanded me to write and rehea.r.s.e as liked him, and not further to meddle with that answer; so that I herein nothing did but obeyed the King's commandment, and especially at (p. 130) such time _as he would upon good grounds be obeyed, whosoever spake to the contrary_."[361] Wolsey might say in his pride "I shall do so and so," and foreign envoys might think that the Cardinal made the King "go hither and thither, just as he liked"; but Wolsey knew perfectly well that when he thought fit, Henry "would be obeyed, whosoever spake to the contrary". He might delegate much of his authority, but men were under no misapprehension that he could and would revoke it whenever he chose. For the time being, King and Cardinal worked together in general harmony, but it was a partners.h.i.+p in which Henry could always have the last word, though Wolsey did most of the work.

As early as 1518 he had nominated Standish to the bishopric of St.

Asaph, disregarding Wolsey's candidate and the opposition of the clerical party at Court, who detested Standish for his advocacy of Henry's authority in ecclesiastical matters, and dreaded his promotion as an evil omen for the independence of the Church.[362]

[Footnote 361: _L. and P._, iii., 1713.]

[Footnote 362: _Ibid._, ii., 4074, 4083, 4089.]

Even in the details of administration, the King was becoming increasingly vigilant. In 1519 he drew up a "remembrance of such things" as he required the Cardinal to "put in effectual execution".[363] They were twenty-one in number and ranged over every variety of subject. The household was to be arranged; "views to be made and books kept"; the ordnance seen to; treasurers were to make monthly reports of their receipts and payments, and send counterparts to the King; the surveyor of lands was to make a yearly declaration; and Wolsey himself and the judges were to make quarterly reports (p. 131) to Henry in person. There were five points "which the King will debate with his council," the administration of justice, reform of the exchequer, Ireland, employment of idle people, and maintenance of the frontiers. The general plan of Wolsey's negotiations at Calais in 1521 was determined by King and Cardinal in consultation, and every important detail in them and in the subsequent preparations for war was submitted to Henry. Not infrequently they differed. Wolsey wanted Sir William Sandys to command the English contingent; Henry declared it would be inconsistent with his dignity to send a force out of the realm under the command of any one of lower rank than an earl. Wolsey replied that Sandys would be cheaper than an earl,[364] but the command was entrusted to the Earl of Surrey. Henry thought it unsafe, considering the imminence of a breach with France, for English wine s.h.i.+ps to resort to Bordeaux; Wolsey thought otherwise, and they disputed the point for a month. Honours were divided; the question was settled for the time by twenty s.h.i.+ps sailing while the dispute was in progress.[365] Apparently they returned in safety, but the seizure of English s.h.i.+ps at Bordeaux in the following March justified Henry's caution.[366] The King was already an adept in statecraft, and there was at least an element of truth in the praise which Wolsey bestowed on his pupil. "No man," he wrote, "can more groundly consider the politic governance of your said realm, nor more a.s.suredly look to the preservation thereof, than ye yourself." And again, "surely, if all _your_ whole council had been a.s.sembled together, they could not (p. 132) have more deeply perceived or spoken therein".[367]

[Footnote 363: _Ibid._, iii., 576.]

[Footnote 364: _L. and P._, iii., 1454, 1473, 1474.]

[Footnote 365: _Ibid._, iii., 1629, 1630.]

[Footnote 366: _Ibid._, iii., 2224.]

[Footnote 367: _L. and P._, iii., 1544, 1762.]

The Cardinal "could not express the joy and comfort with which he noted the King's prudence"; but he can scarcely have viewed Henry's growing interference without some secret misgivings. For he was developing not only Wolsey's skill and lack of scruple in politics, but also a choleric and impatient temper akin to the Cardinal's own.

In 1514 Carroz had complained of Henry's offensive behaviour, and had urged that it would become impossible to control him, if the "young colt" were not bridled. In the following year Henry treated a French envoy with scant civility, and flatly contradicted him twice as he described the battle of Marignano. Giustinian also records how Henry went "pale with anger" at unpleasant news.[368] A few years later his successor describes Henry's "very great rage" when detailing Francis's injuries; Charles made the same complaints against the French King, "but not so angrily, in accordance with his gentler nature".[369] On another occasion Henry turned his back upon a diplomatist and walked away in the middle of his speech, an incident, we are told, on which much comment was made in Rome.[370]

[Footnote 368: _Ibid._, ii., 1113, 1653.]

[Footnote 369: _Ven. Cal._, iii., 493.]

[Footnote 370: _Sp. Cal._, ii., 314.]

But these outbursts were rare and they grew rarer; in 1527 Mendoza, the Spanish amba.s.sador, remarks that it was "quite the reverse of the King's ordinary manner" to be more violent than Wolsey;[371] and throughout the period of strained relations with the Emperor, Chapuys constantly refers to the unfailing courtesy and graciousness with (p. 133) which Henry received him. He never forgot himself so far as to lay rude hands on an amba.s.sador, as Wolsey did; and no provocation betrayed him in his later years, pa.s.sionate though he was, into a neglect of the outward amenities of diplomatic and official intercourse. Outbursts of anger, of course, there were; but they were often like the explosions of counsel in law courts, and were "to a great extent diplomatically controlled".[372] Nor can we deny the consideration with which Henry habitually treated his councillors, the wide discretion he allowed them in the exercise of their duties, and the toleration he extended to contrary opinions. He was never impatient of advice even when it conflicted with his own views. His long arguments with Wolsey, and the freedom with which the Cardinal justified his recommendations, even after Henry had made up his mind to an opposite course, are a sufficient proof of the fact. In 1517, angered by Maximilian's perfidy, Henry wrote him some very "displeasant" letters. Tunstall thought they would do harm, kept them back, and received no censure for his conduct. In 1522-23 Wolsey advised first the siege of Boulogne and then its abandonment. "The King," wrote More, "is by no means displeased that you have changed your opinion, as his highness esteemeth nothing in counsel more perilous than one to persevere in the maintenance of his advice because he hath once given it. He therefore commendeth and most affectuously thanketh your faithful diligence and high wisdom in advertising him of the reasons which have moved you to change your opinion."[373] No king knew better than Henry how to get good work from his ministers, and his warning against (p. 134) persevering in advice, merely because it has once been given, is a political maxim for all time.

[Footnote 371: _Ibid._, iii., 109.]

[Footnote 372: _L. and P._, xiii., p. xli.]

[Footnote 373: _Ibid._, iii., 2421, 3346.]

A lesson might also be learnt from a story of Henry and Colet told by Erasmus on Colet's own authority.[374] In 1513 war fever raged in England. Colet's bishop summoned him "into the King's Court for a.s.serting, when England was preparing for war against France, that an unjust peace was preferable to the most just war; but the King threatened his persecutor with vengeance. After Easter, when the expedition was ready against France, Colet preached on Whitsunday before the King and the Court, exhorting men rather to follow the example of Christ their prince than that of Caesar and Alexander. The King was afraid that this sermon would have an ill effect upon the soldiers and sent for the Dean. Colet happened to be dining at the Franciscan monastery near Greenwich. When the King heard of it, he entered the garden of the monastery, and on Colet's appearance dismissed his attendants; then discussed the matter with him, desiring him to explain himself, lest his audience should suppose that no war was justifiable. After the conversation was over he dismissed him before them all, drinking to Colet's health and saying 'Let every man have his own doctor, this is mine'." The picture is pleasing evidence of Henry's superiority to some vulgar pa.s.sions. Another instance of freedom from popular prejudice, which he shared with his father, was his encouragement of foreign scholars, diplomatists and merchants; not a few of the ablest of Tudor agents were of alien birth. He was therefore intensely annoyed at the rabid fury against them that broke out in the riots of Evil May Day; yet he pardoned all the ringleaders but one. Tolerance and (p. 135) clemency were no small part of his character in early manhood;[375]

and together with his other mental and physical graces, his love of learning and of the society of learned men, his magnificence and display, his supremacy in all the sports that were then considered the peculiar adornment of royalty, they contributed scarcely less than Wolsey's genius for diplomacy and administration to England's renown.

"In short," wrote Chieregati to Isabella d'Este in 1517, "the wealth and civilisation of the world are here; and those who call the English barbarians appear to me to render themselves such. I here perceive very elegant manners, extreme decorum, and very great politeness. And amongst other things there is this most invincible King, whose accomplishments and qualities are so many and excellent that I consider him to surpa.s.s all who ever wore a crown; and blessed and happy may this country call itself in having as its lord so worthy and eminent a sovereign; whose sway is more bland and gentle than the greatest liberty under any other."[376]

[Footnote 374: _L. and P._, iii., 303.]

[Footnote 375: For the extraordinary freedom of speech which Henry permitted, see _L. and P._, xii., ii., 952, where Sir George Throckmorton relates how he accused Henry to his face of immoral relations with Mary Boleyn and her mother.]

[Footnote 376: _Ven. Cal._, ii., 918.]