History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume III Part 16

[Sidenote: THE MAINSPRING.]

And vainly, indeed, would men endeavour to explain this great movement by mere human circ.u.mstances. Men of letters, it is true, sharpened their wits and discharged their keen-pointed arrows against the pope and the monks; the shout of liberty, which Germany had so often raised against the tyranny of the Italians, again resounded in the castles and provinces; the people were delighted with the song of "the nightingale of Wittemberg," a herald of the spring that was everywhere bursting forth.[237] But it was not a mere outward movement, similar to that effected by a longing for earthly liberty, that was then accomplis.h.i.+ng. Those who a.s.sert that the Reformation was brought about by bribing princes with the wealth of the convents,--the priests with permission to marry,--and the people with the prospect of freedom, are strangely mistaken in its nature. No doubt a useful employment of the funds that had hitherto supported the sloth of the monks; no doubt marriage and liberty, gifts that proceed direct from G.o.d, might have favoured the development of the Reformation; but the mainspring was not there. An interior revolution was then going on in the depths of the human heart. Christians were again learning to love, to pardon, to pray, to suffer, and even to die for a truth that offered no repose save in heaven. The Church was pa.s.sing through a state of transformation. Christianity was bursting the bonds in which it had so long been confined, and returning in life and vigour into a world that had forgotten its ancient power. The hand that made the world was turned towards it again; and the Gospel, reappearing in the midst of the nations, accelerated its course, notwithstanding the violent and repeated efforts of priests and kings; like the ocean which, when the hand of G.o.d presses on its surface, rises calm and majestic along its sh.o.r.es, so that no human power is able to resist its progress.

[237] Wittemberger Nachtigall, a poem by Hans Sachs, 1523.

BOOK X.

AGITATION, REVERSES, AND PROGRESS. 1522-1526.

CHAPTER I.

Political Element--Want of Enthusiasm at Rome--Siege of Pampeluna--Courage of Ignatius--Transition--Luther and Loyola--Visions--Two Principles.

The Reformation, which at first had existed in the hearts of a few pious men, had entered into the wors.h.i.+p and the life of the Church; it was natural that it would take a new step, and penetrate into civil relations.h.i.+ps and the life of nations. Its progress was always from the interior to the exterior. We are about to see this great revolution taking possession of the political life of the world.

For eight centuries past, Europe had formed one vast sacerdotal state.

Emperors and kings had been under the patronage of popes. Whenever any energetic resistance had been offered to her audacious pretensions, particularly in Germany and France, Rome eventually had the upperhand, and princes, docile agents of her terrible decrees, had been seen fighting to secure her dominion against private believers obedient to their rule, and profusely shedding in her behalf the blood of their people's children.

No injury could be inflicted on this vast ecclesiastical state, of which the pope was the head, without affecting the political relations.

Two great ideas then agitated Germany. On the one hand, a desire for a revival of faith; and on the other, a longing for a national government, in which the German states might be represented, and thus serve as a counterpoise to the power of the emperors.[238]

[238] Pfeffel Droit publ. de l'Allemagne, 590. Robertson, Charles V.

iii. 114. Ranke, Deutsche Gesch.

[Sidenote: POLITICAL ELEMENT.]

The Elector Frederick had insisted on this latter point at the election of Maximilian's successor; and the youthful Charles had complied. A national government had been framed in consequence, consisting of the imperial governor and representatives of the electors and circles.

Thus Luther reformed the Church, and Frederick of Saxony reformed the State.

But while, simultaneously with the religious reform, important political modifications were introduced by the leaders of the nation, it was to be feared that the commonalty would also put itself in motion, and by its excesses, both in politics and religion, compromise both reforms.

This violent and fanatical intrusion of the people and of certain ringleaders, which seems inevitable where society is shaken and in a state of transition, did not fail to take place in Germany at the period of which we are now treating.

There were other circ.u.mstances also that contributed to give rise to such disorders.

The emperor and the pope had combined against the Reformation, and it seemed on the point of falling beneath the blows of two such powerful enemies. Policy, ambition, and interest compelled Charles V. and Leo X. to attempt its destruction. But these are poor champions to contend against the truth. Devotedness to a cause which is looked upon as sacred can only be conquered by a similar devotedness. But the Romans, yielding to the impulses of a Leo X., were enthusiastic about a sonnet or a melody, and insensible to the religion of Jesus Christ; and if any less futile thought came across their minds, instead of purifying and tempering their hearts anew in the Christianity of the apostles, they were busied with alliances, wars, conquests, and treaties, which gained new provinces, and with cold disdain left the Reformation to awaken on all sides a religious enthusiasm, and march triumphantly to more n.o.ble conquests. The enemy that had been doomed to destruction in the cathedral of Worms, reappeared full of confidence and strength; the contest must be severe; and blood must flow.

[Sidenote: ANXIETIES OF THE EMPEROR.]

Yet some of the most imminent dangers that threatened the Reformation seemed at this time to be disappearing. Shortly before the publication of the edict of Worms, the youthful Charles, standing one day at a window of his palace with his confessor, had said, it is true, as he laid his hand on his heart: "I swear to hang up at this very window the first man who shall declare himself a Lutheran after the publication of my edict."[239] But it was not long before his zeal abated considerably. His project for reviving the ancient glory of the holy empire, that is to say, of increasing his own power, had been coldly received.[240] Dissatisfied with Germany, he left the banks of the Rhine, repaired to the Netherlands, and availed himself of his residence there to afford the monks those gratifications that he found himself unable to give them in the empire. Luther's works were burnt at Ghent by the hangman with all possible solemnity. More than fifty thousand spectators were present at this auto-da-fe; the emperor himself looking on with an approving smile.[241] He thence proceeded to Spain, where wars and internal dissensions compelled him, for a time at least, to leave Germany at peace. Since he is refused in the empire the power to which he lays claim, let others hunt down the heretic of Wittemberg. More anxious thoughts engrossed all his attention.

[239] Sancte juro......eum ex hac fenestra meo jussu suspensum iri.

Pallav. i. 130.

[240] Essendo tornato dalla Dieta che sua Maesta haveva fatta in Wormatia, escluso d'ogni conclusion buona d'ajuti e di favori che si fussi proposto d'ottenere in essa. Instructions to Cardinal Farnese.

MS. in the Corsini library, published by Ranke.

[241] Ipso Caesare, ore subridenti, spectaculo plausit. Pallav. i. 130.

In effect, Francis I., impatient to try his strength with his rival, had thrown down the gauntlet. Under the pretence of restoring the children of Jean d'Albret, king of Navarre, to their patrimony, he had begun a b.l.o.o.d.y struggle, destined to last all his life, by invading that kingdom with an army under the command of Lesparre, whose rapid conquests were only checked by the fortress of Pampeluna.

[Sidenote: SIEGE OF PAMPELUNA--INIGO.]

On these strong walls an enthusiasm was kindled, destined afterwards to oppose the enthusiasm of the reformer, and to breathe into the papacy a new spirit of energy, devotedness, and authority. Pampeluna was destined to be the cradle, as it were, of the rival of the Wittemberg monk.

The chivalrous spirit that had so long animated the christian world survived in Spain alone. The wars against the Moors, scarcely terminated in the Peninsula, and continually breaking out in Africa, with distant and adventurous expeditions beyond the seas, fostered in the Castilian youths that enthusiastic and unaffected valour of which Amadis formed the ideal model.

Among the defenders of Pampeluna was a young gentleman, Inigo Lopez of Recalda, the youngest of a family of thirteen children. Recalda, better known as Ignatius Loyola, had been brought up in the court of Ferdinand the Catholic. His person was graceful;[242] he was expert in handling the sword and the lance, and ardently desired the glory of chivalry. To array himself in glittering arms, to ride a n.o.ble steed,[243] to expose himself to the brilliant dangers of the tournament, to engage in hazardous exploits, to share in the envenomed struggles of faction,[244] and to display as much devotion for Saint Peter as for his lady-love--such was the life of this young chevalier.

[242] c.u.m esset in corporis ornatu elegantissimus. Maffei Vita Loyolae, 1586, p. 3.

[243] Equorumque et armorum usu praecelleret. Ibid.

[244] Partim in factionum rixarumque periculis, partim in amatoria vesania......tempus consumeret. Ibid.

The governor of Navarre having gone into Spain to procure succours, had left the defence of Pampeluna to Inigo and a few n.o.bles. The latter, perceiving the superiority of the French troops, resolved to withdraw. Inigo conjured them to make a stand against Lesparre; finding them resolute in their intention, he looked at them with indignation, accusing them of cowardice and perfidy; he then flung himself alone into the citadel, determined to hold it at the peril of his life.[245]

[245] Ardentibus oculis, detestatus ignaviam perfidiamque, spectantibus omnibus, in arcem solus introit. Ibid. p. 6.

[Sidenote: HIS WOUNDS--HIS STUDIES.]

The French, who were enthusiastically received into Pampeluna, having proposed a capitulation to the commander of the fortress: "Let us suffer everything," said Inigo impetuously to his companions, "rather than surrender."[246] Upon this the French began to batter the walls with their powerful machines, and soon attempted an a.s.sault. Inigo's courage and exhortations inspirited the Spaniards; they repelled the a.s.sailants with arrows, swords, and battle-axes; Inigo fought at their head: standing on the ramparts, his eyes glistening with rage, the young cavalier brandished his sword, and the enemy fell beneath his blows. Suddenly a ball struck the wall which he was defending; a splinter from the stone wounded him severely in the right leg, and the ball recoiling with the violence of the blow, broke his left leg.

Inigo fell senseless.[247] The garrison surrendered immediately; and the French, admiring the courage of their youthful opponent, conveyed him in a litter to his parents in the castle of Loyola. In this lordly mansion, from which he afterwards derived his name, Inigo had been born, eight years after Luther, of one of the most ill.u.s.trious families of that district.

[246] Tam acri ac vehementi oratione commilitonibus dissuasit. Maffei Vita Loyolae, 1586, p. 6.

[247] Ut e vestigio semianimis alienata mente corruerit. Ibid. p. 7.

A painful operation had become necessary. Under the most acute sufferings, Inigo firmly clenched his hands, but did not utter a single groan.[248]

[248] Nullum aliud indicium dedit doloris, nisi ut coactos in pugnum digitos valde constringeret. Ibid. p. 8.

[Sidenote: TRANSFORMATION--ARMED VIGILS.]

Confined to a wearisome inactivity, he found it necessary to employ his active imagination. In the absence of the romances of chivalry, which had hitherto been his only mental food, he took up the life of Jesus Christ, and the legends or _Flowers of the Saints_. This kind of reading, in his state of solitude and sickness, produced an extraordinary impression on his mind. The noisy life of tournaments and battles, which had hitherto exclusively occupied his thoughts, appeared to recede, to fade and vanish from his sight; and at the same time a more glorious career seemed opening before his astonished eyes.

The humble actions of the saints and their heroic sufferings appeared far more worthy of praise than all the high feats of arms and chivalry. Stretched upon his bed, a prey to fever, he yielded to the most opposite thoughts. The world that he was forsaking, the world whose holy mortifications lay before him, appeared together, the one with its pleasures, the other with its austerities; and these two worlds contended in deadly struggle within his bosom. "What if I were to act like St. Francis or St. Dominick?" said he.[249] Then the image of the lady to whom he had pledged his heart rose before him: "She is not a countess," exclaimed he with artless vanity, "nor a d.u.c.h.ess; but her condition is much loftier than either."[250] Such thoughts as these filled him with distress and _ennui_, while his plan of imitating the saints inspired him with peace and joy.

[249] Quid si ego hoc agerem quod fecit beatus Franciscus, quid si hoc quod beatus Dominicus? Acta Sanct. vii. 634.