History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume III Part 54

[771] Talibus Atlantibus nit.i.tur Ecclesia Romana. Ibid. p. 1113.

[Sidenote: LOUIS DE BERQUIN.]

In effect, the very invectives that frightened weak minds, disgusted more generous spirits. At the court of Francis I. was a gentleman of Artois, named Louis de Berquin, then about thirty years of age, and who was never married. The purity of his life,[772] his profound knowledge, which procured him the t.i.tle of "the most learned of the n.o.bles,"[773] the openness of his disposition, his tender care for the poor, and his unbounded attachment to his friends, distinguished him above his equals.[774] There was not a more devout observer of the ceremonies of the Church, fasts, festivals, and ma.s.ses;[775] and he held in the greatest horror all that was denominated heretical. It was a matter of astonishment to witness so much devotion at the court.

[772] Ut ne rumusculus quidem impudicitiae sit unquam in illum exortus.

Er. Epp. p. 1278.

[773] Gaillard, Hist. de Francois I.

[774] Mirere benignus in egenos et amicos. Er. Epp. p. 1238.

[775] Const.i.tutionum ac rituum ecclesiasticorum observantissimus.

Ibid.

It seemed as if nothing could make such a man incline to the side of the Reformation; there were, however, one or two features in his character that might lead him to the Gospel. He abhorred every kind of dissimulation, and, as he never desired to injure any one himself, he could not bear to see others injured. The tyranny of Beda and other fanatics, their bickerings and persecutions, filled his generous soul with indignation; and as he never did things by halves, he was accustomed wherever he went, in the city or at the court, "even among the highest personages in the kingdom,"[776] to inveigh with the utmost vehemence against the tyranny of these doctors, and attack, "in their very nests," says Theodore Beza, "those odious hornets who were then the terror of the world."[777]

[776] Actes des Martyrs deCrespin, p. 103.

[777] Ut maxime omnium tunc metuendos crabrones in ipsis eorum cavis......Bezae Icones.

He did not stop here: opposition to injustice led Berquin to inquire after truth. He desired to know that holy Scripture, so dear to the men against whom Beda and his creatures were raging; and he had scarcely begun to read the book, before it won his heart. Berquin immediately joined Margaret, Lefevre, Briconnet, and all those who loved the Word, and in their society tasted of the purest joys. He felt that he had something more to do besides opposing the Sorbonne, and would have loved to communicate the convictions of his soul to all France. He immediately began to write and translate several christian books into French. It seemed to him that every man ought to acknowledge and embrace the truth as promptly as he had done himself.

That impetuosity which Beda had exerted in the service of human traditions, Berquin employed in the service of the Word of G.o.d.

Although younger than the syndic of the Sorbonne, less prudent, and less skilful, he had in his favour the n.o.ble enthusiasm of truth. They were two strong wrestlers about to try which should throw the other.

But Berquin had another object in view than a triumph over Beda: he would have desired to pour forth floods of truth over all his countrymen. And hence Theodore Beza says, that France might have found a second Luther in Berquin, if he had found a second elector in Francis I.[778]

[778] Gallia forta.s.sis alterum esset Luterum nacta. Bezae Icones.

[Sidenote: THE RINGLEADERS OF THE SORBONNE.]

Numerous obstacles were destined to impede his efforts. Fanaticism finds disciples everywhere; it is a fire that spreads far and near.

The monks and ignorant priests took part with the syndic of the Sorbonne. A party-spirit pervaded the whole troop, which was governed by a few intriguing and fanatical leaders, who cleverly took advantage of the insignificance or vanity of their colleagues, to infect them with their own prejudices. At all their meetings these chiefs were the only speakers: they domineered over their party by their violence, and reduced the moderate and weak-minded to silence. Hardly had they made any proposition, before these ringleaders exclaimed: "We shall soon see now who are of the Lutheran faction."[779] Did any one give utterance to a reasonable sentiment, a shuddering fell upon Beda, Lecouturier, d.u.c.h.esne, and the whole band; and all cried out at once: "He is worse than Luther." This manuvre was successful; the timid minds that prefer peace to disputation, those who are ready to give up their own opinions for their own advantage, those who do not understand the simplest questions, and, lastly, those who are always carried away by the clamour of others,--all became the willing recruits of Beda and his satellites. Some were silent, others shouted, all submitted to that influence which a proud and tyrannical mind exercises over vulgar souls. Such was the state of this a.s.sociation, which was regarded as so venerable, and which was at that time the most violent enemy of evangelical Christianity. It would often be sufficient to cast a single glance upon the most celebrated bodies to estimate at its just value the war they wage upon truth.

[779] Hic, inquiunt, apparebit qui sint Lutheranae factionis. Er. Epp.

p. 889.

[Sidenote: SERVILITY OF THE GALLICAN CLERGY.]

Thus the university which, under Louis XII., had applauded Allmain's aspirations after independence, abruptly plunged once more, under Duprat and Louisa of Savoy, into fanaticism and servility. If we except the Jansenists and a few other doctors, a n.o.ble and real independence has never existed among the Gallican clergy. They have never done more than oscillate between servility to the court and servility to the pope. If under Louis XII. or Louis XIV. they had some appearance of liberty, it was because their master in Paris was at strife with their master at Rome. And thus we have an explanation of the change we have pointed out. The university and the bishops forgot their rights and duties as soon as the king ceased to enjoin their observance.

For a long period Beda had been incensed against Lefevre; the renown of the Picard doctor's lectures irritated his compatriot and ruffled his pride; he would gladly have silenced him. Once already Beda had attacked the doctor of Etaples, and as yet little able to distinguish the evangelical doctrines, he had a.s.sailed his colleague on a point which, however strange it may appear, was near sending Lefevre to the scaffold.[780] This doctor had a.s.serted that Mary, the sister of Lazarus, Mary Magdalen, and the "woman which was a sinner," of whom Saint Luke speaks in the seventh chapter of his Gospel, were three distinct persons. The Greek fathers had distinguished them: the Latin fathers had confounded them together. This terrible _heresy_ of the three Magdalens set Beda and all his host in motion; Christendom was roused; Fisher, bishop of Rochester, one of the most distinguished prelates of the age, wrote against Lefevre, and the whole Church then declared against an opinion now admitted by every Roman-catholic.

Already Lefevre, condemned by the Sorbonne, was prosecuted by the parliament as a heretic, when Francis I., pleased at the opportunity of striking a blow at the Sorbonne and of humbling the monks, rescued him from the hands of his persecutors.

[780] Gaillard, Hist. de Francois I. iv. 228.

[Sidenote: LUTHER CONDEMNED AT PARIS.]

Beda, enraged at seeing his victim s.n.a.t.c.hed from his grasp, resolved to take better aim another time. The name of Luther was beginning to be heard in France. The reformer, after the dispute with Dr. Eck at Leipsic, had agreed to acknowledge the universities of Erfurth and Paris as his judges. The zeal displayed by the latter university against the concordat, no doubt led him to hope that he should find impartial judges in its members. But the times were changed, and the more decided the theological faculty had been against the encroachments of Rome, the more it was bent on showing its orthodoxy.

Beda accordingly found it quite disposed to enter into his views.

On the 20th of January 1520, the treasurer of the French nation[781]

bought twenty copies of the conference between Luther and Eck for distribution among the members of the commission who were to make a report on the matter. More than a year was employed in this investigation. The German Reformation was beginning to create a strong sensation in France. The universities, which were then truly catholic inst.i.tutions, to which students resorted from every country in Christendom, brought Germany, France, Switzerland, and England, into closer and speedier relation with each other, as regards theology and philosophy, than those of the present day. The reports prevailing in Paris of Luther's success strengthened the hands of such men as Lefevre, Briconnet, and Farel. Each of his victories increased their courage. Many of the Sorbonne doctors were struck by the admirable truths they found in the writings of the Wittemberg monk. There had already been many a bold confession; but there had also been a terrible resistance. "All Europe," says Crevier, "was waiting for the decision of the university of Paris." The contest appeared doubtful.

At length Beda prevailed; and in April 1521, the university decreed that Luther's works should be publicly burnt, and the author compelled to retract.

[781] It was formerly the custom in the university of Paris to cla.s.sify its members into four nations: viz. France, Picardy, Normandy, and Germany.--Tr.

[Sidenote: THE SORBONNE ADDRESSES THE KING.]

This was not enough. In fact Luther's disciples had crossed the Rhine more speedily even than his writings. "In a short time," says the Jesuit Maimbourg, "the university was filled with foreigners, who, because they knew a little Hebrew and more Greek, acquired a reputation, insinuated themselves into the houses of persons of quality, and claimed an insolent liberty of interpreting the Bible."[782] The faculty, therefore, appointed a deputation to bear their remonstrances to the king.

[782] Hist. du Calvinisme, p. 10.

Francis I., caring little for the quarrels of theologians, was continuing his career of pleasure; and pa.s.sing from castle to castle, with his gentlemen and the ladies composing his mother's and his sister's court, he indulged in every species of disorder, far from the troublesome observation of the citizens of the capital. He thus made his progresses through Brittany, Anjou, Guienne, Angoumois, and Poitou, leading the same sumptuous life in villages and forests, as if he had been at Paris in his palace of Tournelles. It was one round of tournaments, sham-fights, masquerades, costly entertainments, and banquets, which even those of Lucullus (as Brantome says) could not equal.[783]

[783] Vie des Hommes ill.u.s.tres, i. 326.

For a moment, however, he interrupted the course of his pleasures to receive the grave deputies of the Sorbonne; but he saw only men of learning in those whom the faculty pointed out as heretics. Could a prince who boasted of having put the kings of France _hors de page_ (out of leading-strings), bend his head before a few fanatical doctors? He replied: "I will not have these people molested. To persecute those who teach us, would prevent able scholars from coming into our country."[784]

[784] Maimbourg, p. 11.

The deputation left the king's presence in great wrath. What will be the consequence? The disease grows stronger every day; already the heretical opinions are denominated "the sentiments of men of genius;"

the devouring flame is stealing into the most secret recesses; erelong the conflagration will burst forth, and throughout France the edifice of faith will fall with a terrible crash.

[Sidenote: LEFEVRE RETIRES TO MEAUX.]

Beda and his party, failing to obtain the king's permission to erect their scaffolds, resort to persecutions of a more invidious nature.

There was no kind of annoyance to which the evangelical teachers were not subjected. Fresh reports and fresh denunciations followed each other daily. The aged Lefevre, tormented by these ignorant zealots, longed for repose. The pious Briconnet, who was unremitting in his veneration for the doctor of Etaples,[785] offered him an asylum.

Lefevre quitted Paris and retired to Meaux. This was the first victory gained over the Gospel, and it was then seen that if the Romish party cannot succeed in engaging the civil power on its side, there is a secret and fanatical police, by means of which it is enabled to obtain its end.

[785] Pro innumeris beneficiis, pro tantis ad studia commodis. Epist.

dedicatoria Epp. Pauli.

CHAPTER VI.

Briconnet visits his Diocese--Reform--The Doctors persecuted in Paris--Philiberta of Savoy--Correspondence between Margaret and Briconnet.

Thus Paris was beginning to rise against the Reformation, and to trace the outlines of that circ.u.mvallation which was destined for more than three centuries to bar the entrance of the reformed wors.h.i.+p. It had been G.o.d's will that the first beams of light should s.h.i.+ne upon the capital; but men immediately arose to extinguish them; the spirit of the _Sixteen_[786] was already fermenting in the metropolis, and other cities were about to receive the light which Paris rejected.

[786] About this time (1579) a popular society, more violent in its principles, was formed among the Leaguers, and which was called the _Sixteen_ (Seize), from the number of its directing committee, each of whom became a religious agitator in as many quarters of Paris. White's Universal History, p. 459.

[Sidenote: BRIcONNET REFORMS.]

Briconnet, on returning to his diocese, had manifested the zeal of a Christian and of a bishop. He had visited every parish, and, a.s.sembling the deans, the inc.u.mbents, and their curates, with the church-wardens and princ.i.p.al paris.h.i.+oners, had inquired into the doctrine and lives of the preachers. At collection time (they answered) the Franciscans of Meaux begin their rounds; a single preacher will visit four or five parishes in a day, always delivering the same sermon, not to feed the souls of his hearers, but to fill his belly, his purse, and his convent.[787] Their wallets once replenished, their end is gained, the sermons are over, and the monks do not appear again in the churches until the time for another collection has arrived. The only business of these shepherds is to shear their sheep.[788]

[787] Ea solum doceri quae ad cn.o.bium illorum ac ventrem explendum pertinerent. Acta Mart. p. 334.