History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume III Part 62

"Gracious prince and lord," said Luther in conclusion, "may your highness, who has made so happy a beginning, help to propagate this doctrine; not with the power of the sword, which would injure the Gospel, but by inviting into your states learned doctors who may preach the Word. It is by the breath of his mouth that Jesus will destroy Antichrist, in order that, as Daniel says (chap. viii. ver.

25), he may be broken without hand. For this reason, most serene prince, may your highness fan the spark that has been kindled in your heart; may a flame go forth from the house of Savoy, as in former times from the house of Joseph;[932] may all France be consumed like stubble before that fire; may it burn, blaze, and purify, so that this ill.u.s.trious kingdom may truly be called _most christian_, for which it is indebted, up to this hour, solely to the rivers of blood shed in the service of Antichrist."

[932] Da.s.s ein Feuer von dem Hause Sophoy ausgehe. L. Epp. ii. 406.

[Sidenote: FAREL QUITS FRANCE.]

Thus did Luther endeavour to diffuse the Gospel in France. We are ignorant of the effect produced on the prince by this letter; but we do not see that he ever showed any desire to separate from Rome. In 1522, he requested Adrian VI. to stand G.o.dfather to his eldest son; and, shortly after, the pope promised a cardinal's hat for his second son. Anemond, after making an effort to see the court and the Elector of Saxony, and having received a letter from Luther for this purpose,[933] returned to Basle, more decided than ever to expose his life for the Gospel. In his ardour, he would have rejoiced to possess the power of rousing the whole of France. "All that I am," said he, "all that I shall be, all that I have, all that I shall have, I am determined to consecrate to the glory of G.o.d."[934]

[933] Vult videre aulam et faciem Principis nostri. L. Epp. ii. 340.

[934] Quidquid sum, habeo, ero, habebove, ad Dei gloriam insumere mens est. Coct. Epp. MS. of Neufchatel.

Anemond found his compatriot Farel at Basle. Anemond's letters had excited in him a great desire to see the reformers of Switzerland and Germany. Moreover, Farel required a sphere of activity in which he could more freely exert his strength. He therefore quitted that France which already offered nothing but scaffolds and the stake for the preachers of the unadulterated Gospel. Following byroads and concealing himself in the woods, he escaped, although with difficulty, from the hands of his enemies. Often had he lost his way. At last he reached Switzerland at the beginning of 1524. There he was destined to spend his life in the service of the Gospel, and it was then that France began to send into Helvetia those n.o.ble-minded evangelists who were to establish the Reformation in Switzerland _Romande_,[935] and to give it a new and powerful impulse in other parts of the confederation and in the whole world.

[935] The French part of Switzerland, comprising the cantons of Geneva, Vaud, Neufchatel, and part of those of Friburg, Berne, and Valois.

CHAPTER X.

Catholicity of the Reformation--Friends.h.i.+p between Farel and colampadius--Farel and Erasmus--Altercation--Farel demands a Disputation--Theses--Scripture and Faith--Discussion.

[Sidenote: CATHOLICITY OF THE REFORMATION]

The catholicity of the Reformation is a n.o.ble feature in its character. The Germans pa.s.s into Switzerland; the French into Germany; in latter times men from England and Scotland pa.s.s over to the continent, and doctors from the continent into Great Britain. The reformers in the different countries spring up almost independently of one another; but no sooner are they born than they hold out the hand of fellows.h.i.+p. There is among them one sole faith, one spirit, one Lord. It has been an error, in our opinion, to write, as. .h.i.therto, the history of the Reformation for a single country; the work is one, and from their very origin the Protestant Churches form "a whole body, fitly jointed together."[936]

[936] Ephes. iv. 16.

Many refugees from France and Lorraine at this time formed at Basle a French Church, whose members had escaped from the scaffold. They had spoken there of Farel, of Lefevre, and of the occurrences at Meaux; and when the former arrived in Switzerland, he was already known as one of the most devoted champions of the Gospel.

[Sidenote: FRIENDs.h.i.+P OF COLAMPADIUS AND FAREL.]

He was immediately taken to colampadius, who had returned to Basle some time before. Rarely does it happen that two men of more opposite character are brought together. colampadius charmed by his mildness, Farel carried away his hearers by his impetuosity: but from the first moment these two men felt themselves united for ever.[937]

It was another meeting of a Luther and Melancthon. colampadius received Farel into his house, gave him an humble chamber, a frugal table, and introduced him to his friends; and it was not long before the learning, piety, and courage of the young Frenchman gained every heart. Pellican, Imeli, Wolfhard, and other ministers of Basle felt themselves strengthened in the faith by his energetic language.

colampadius was at that time much depressed in spirit: "Alas!"

said he to Zwingle, "I speak in vain, and see not the least reason to hope. Perhaps among the Turks I might meet with greater success![938]......Alas!" added he with a deep sigh, "I lay the blame on myself alone." But the more he saw of Farel, the more his heart cheered up, and the courage he received from the Dauphinese became the ground-work of an undying affection. "O my dear Farel," said he, "I hope that the Lord will make our friends.h.i.+p immortal, and if we cannot live together here below, our joy will only be the greater when we shall be united at Christ's right hand in heaven."[939] Pious and affecting thoughts!......Farel's arrival was for Switzerland evidently a succour from on high.

[937] Amic.u.m semper habui a primo colloquio. Farel to Bulling. 27th May 1556.

[938] Forta.s.se in mediis Turcis felicius docuissem. Zw. et Ecol. Epp.

p. 200.

[939] Mi Farelle, spero Dominum conservaturum amicitiam nostram immortalem; et si hic conjungi nequimus, tanto beatius alibi apud Christum erit contubernium. Ibid. p. 201.

[Sidenote: FAREL AND ERASMUS.]

But while this Frenchman was delighted with colampadius, he shrank coldly and with n.o.ble pride from a man at whose feet all the nations of Christendom fell prostrate. The prince of the schools, he from whom every one coveted a word or a look, the master of the age--Erasmus--was neglected by Farel. The young Dauphinese had refused to go and pay homage to the old sage of Rotterdam, despising those men who are only by halves on the side of the truth, and who, though clearly aware of the consequences of error, are full of forbearance towards those who propagate it. Thus we witness in Farel that decision which has become one of the distinctive characters of the Reformation in France and French Switzerland, and which some have called stiffness, exclusiveness, and intolerance. A controversy, arising out of the commentaries of the doctor of Etaples, had begun between the two great doctors of the age, and at every entertainment the guests would take part with Erasmus against Lefevre, and Lefevre against Erasmus.[940] Farel hesitated not to take his master's side. But what had especially annoyed him was the cowardice of the philosopher of Rotterdam with regard to the evangelical Christians. Erasmus shut his door against them. Good! Farel will not go and beg for admission. This was a trifling sacrifice to him, as he felt that Erasmus possessed not that piety of heart which is the foundation of all true theology.

"Frobenius's wife knows more of theology than he does," said Farel; and indignant at the conduct of Erasmus, who had written advising the pope how to set about extinguis.h.i.+ng the Lutheran conflagration, he boldly affirmed that Erasmus desired to stifle the Gospel.[941]

[940] Nullum est pene convivium. Er. Epp. p. 179.

[941] Consilium quo sic extinguatur incendium Lutheranum. Ibid.

[Sidenote: VEXATION AND ANGER OF ERASMUS.]

This independence in young Farel exasperated the ill.u.s.trious scholar.

Princes, kings, doctors, bishops, popes, reformers, priests, men of the world--all were ready to pay him their tribute of admiration; even Luther had treated him with a certain forbearance; and this Dauphinese, unknown to fame and an exile, dared brave his power. Such insolent freedom caused Erasmus more annoyance than the homage of the whole world could give him pleasure; and accordingly he neglected no opportunity of venting his ill humour on Farel; besides, by attacking so notorious a heretic, he was clearing himself in the eyes of the Romanists from all suspicion of heresy. "I have never met with any thing more false, more violent, and more seditious than this man,"[942] said he; "his heart is full of vanity, his tongue overflowing with malice."[943] But the anger of Erasmus was not confined to Farel; it was directed against all the French refugees in Basle, whose frankness and decision offended him. They had little respect to persons; and if the truth was not openly professed, they cared not for the man, however exalted might be his genius. They were possibly wanting in some measure in the suavity of the Gospel; but their fidelity reminds us of the vigour of the ancient prophets; and it is gratifying to meet with men who do not bow down before what the world adores. Erasmus, amazed at this lofty disdain, complained of it to every one. "What!" wrote he to Melancthon, "shall we reject pontiffs and bishops, to have more cruel, scurvy, and furious tyrants in their place;......for such it is that France has sent us."[944]--"Some Frenchmen," wrote he to the pope's secretary, in a letter accompanying his book on _Free Will_, "are still more out of their wits than even the Germans. They have five expressions always in their mouths: _Gospel_, _Word of G.o.d_, _Faith_, _Christ_, _Holy Ghost_; and yet I doubt whether they be not urged on by the spirit of Satan."[945] Instead of Farellus he would often write _Fallicus_, thus designating one of the frankest men of his day with the epithets of cheat and deceiver.

[942] Quo nihil vidi mendacius, virulentius, et seditiosius. Ibid.

798.

[943] Acidae linguae et vanissimus. Ibid. 2129.

[944] Scabiosos......rabiosos......nam nuper n.o.bis misit Gallia. Er.

Epp. p. 350.

[945] Non dubitem quin agantur spiritu Satanae. Ibid.

[Sidenote: THE SAINTS--FAREL ASKS FOR DISCUSSION.]

The vexation and anger of Erasmus were at their height, when it was reported to him that Farel had called him a _Balaam_. Farel believed that Erasmus, like this prophet, allowed himself (perhaps unconsciously) to be swayed by presents to curse the people of G.o.d.

The learned Dutchman, unable longer to contain himself, resolved to chastise the impudent Dauphinese; and one day, as Farel was talking with several friends on the doctrines of Christianity in the presence of Erasmus, the latter, rudely interrupting him, said: "Why do you call me Balaam?"[946] Farel, at first astonished by so abrupt a question, soon recovered himself and answered, that it was not he who had given him that t.i.tle. On being pressed to name the offender, he said it was Du Blet of Lyons, a refugee at Basle like himself.[947]

"It may be he who made use of the word," replied Erasmus, "but it was you who taught him." And then, ashamed of having lost his temper, he quickly turned the conversation to another subject. "Why," said he to Farel, "do you a.s.sert that we ought not to invoke the saints? Is it because it is not enjoined in Holy Scripture?"--"Yes!" replied the Frenchman.--"Well then!" resumed Erasmus, "I call upon you to prove by Scripture that we ought to invoke the Holy Ghost." Farel made this simple and true reply: "If He is G.o.d, we must invoke Him."[948]--"I dropt the conversation," says Erasmus, "for night was coming on."[949]

From that hour, whenever the name of Farel fell from his pen, he represented him as a hateful person, who ought by all means to be shunned. The reformer's letters, on the contrary, are full of moderation as regards Erasmus. The Gospel is milder than philosophy, even in the most fiery temper.

[946] Diremi disputationem. Ibid. p. 804.

[947] Ut diceret negotiatorem quemdam Dupletum hoc dixisse. Ibid. p.

2129.

[948] Si Deus est, inquit, invocandus est. Er. Epp. p. 804.

[949] Omissa disputatione, nam imminebat nox. Ibid. p. 804. We have only Erasmus's account of this conversation; he himself informs us that Farel reported it very differently.

The evangelical doctrine already counted many friends in Basle, both in the council and among the people; but the doctors of the university opposed it to the utmost of their power. colampadius, and Stor pastor of Liestal, had maintained some theses against them. Farel thought it his duty also to profess in Switzerland the great principle of the evangelical school of Paris and of Meaux: _The Word of G.o.d is all-sufficient_. He requested permission of the university to maintain certain theses, "the rather to be reproved," added he, "if I am in error, than to teach others;"[950] but the university refused.

[950] Damit er gelehrt werde, ob er irre. Fussli Beytr. iv. 244.

[Sidenote: THESES--SCRIPTURE AND FAITH.]

Upon this Farel addressed the council; and the council issued a public notice that a Christian man, named William Farel, having by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost drawn up certain articles in conformity with the Gospel,[951] they had given him leave to maintain them in Latin. The university forbade all priests and students to be present at the disputation; but the council sent out a proclamation to the contrary effect.

[951] Aus Eingiessung des heiligen Geistes ein christlicher Mensch und Bruder. Ibid.

The following are some of the thirteen propositions put forth by Farel:

"Christ has given us the most perfect rule of life: no one has the right to take anything from it, or to add anything thereto.