History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume II Part 14

[213] Sopra tutto musico eccellentissimo, e quando el canta con qualche uno, li fa donar cento e piu ducati.... (Zorsi. MS. C.) And above all a most excellent musician, and any person with whom he sings he presents with a hundred ducats.

[Sidenote: ECK'S SUCCESS AT ROME.]

Rome, in fact, was obliged to adopt the severest measures. The gauntlet had been thrown down, and the combat was destined to be mortal. Luther attacked not the abuses of the Roman pontificate, but the pontificate itself. At his bidding, the pope was humbly to descend from his throne, and again become a simple pastor, or bishop, on the banks of the Tiber. All the dignitaries of the Roman hierarchy were required to renounce their riches and worldly glory, and again become elders or deacons of the churches of Italy. All the splendour and power which had for ages dazzled the West behoved to vanish away and give place to the humble and simple wors.h.i.+p of the primitive Christians. These things G.o.d could have done, and will one day do, but they were not to be expected from men. Even should a pope have been disinterested enough, and bold enough to attempt the overthrow of the ancient and sumptuous edifice of the Romish Church, thousands of priests and bishops would have rushed forward to its support. The pope had received power under the express condition of maintaining whatever was entrusted to him. Rome deemed herself appointed of G.o.d to govern the Church; and no wonder, therefore, that she was prepared with this view to adopt the most decisive measures. And yet, at the outset, she did show hesitation. Several cardinals and the pope himself, were averse to severe proceedings. Leo had too much sagacity not to be aware that a decision, the enforcement of which depended on the very dubious inclinations of the civil power, might seriously compromise the authority of the Church. He saw, moreover, that the violent methods already resorted to had only increased the evil. "Is it impossible to gain this Saxon monk?" asked the politicians of Rome.

"Would all the power of the Church, and all the wiles of Italy, be ineffectual for this purpose? Negotiation must still be attempted."

[Sidenote: PAPACY AND THE REFORMATION.]

Eck accordingly encountered formidable obstacles. He neglected nothing to prevent what he termed impious concessions. Going up and down Rome, he gave vent to his rage, and cried for vengeance. The fanatical faction of the monks having immediately leagued with him he felt strong in this alliance, and proceeded with new courage to importune the pope and the cardinals. According to him all attempts at conciliation were useless. "The idea of it," said he, "is only the vain dream of those who slumber at a distance from the scene." But he knew the danger; for he had wrestled with the audacious monk. The thing necessary was to amputate the gangrened limb, and so prevent the disease from attacking the whole body. The bl.u.s.tering disputant of Leipsic solves objections one after another, and endeavours, but finds it difficult to persuade the pope.[214] He wishes to save Rome in spite of herself. Sparing no exertion, he spent whole hours in deliberation in the cabinet of the pontiff,[215] and made application both to the court and the cloisters, to the people and the Church.

"Eck is calling to the depth of depths against me," said Luther, "and setting on fire the forests of Lebanon."[216] At length he succeeded.

The fanatics in the councils of the papacy vanquished the politicians.

Leo gave way, and Luther's condemnation was resolved. Eck began again to breathe, and his pride felt gratified by the thought that his own efforts had procured the ruin of his heretical rival, and thereby saved the church. "It was well," said he, "that I came to Rome at this time, for little was known of Luther's errors. It will one day be seen how much I have done in this cause."[217]

[214] Sarpi. Hist. of Council of Trent.

[215] Stetimus nuper, papa, duo cardinales .... et ego per quinque horas in deliberatione .... (Eckii Epistola, 3 Maii. L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 48.) The pope, two cardinals, and I lately remained five hours in deliberation.

[216] Impetraturus abyssos abyssorum.... succensurus saltum Libani....

(L. Ep. i, p. 421, 429.)

[217] Bonum fuit me venisse hoc tempore Romam .... (Epist. Eckii.)

No one exerted himself so much in seconding Dr. Eck as the master of the sacred palace, Sylvester Mazzolini De Prierio, who had just published a work, in which he maintained, that not only to the pope alone appertained the infallible decision of all debateable points, but also that papal ascendancy was the fifth monarchy of Daniel, and the only true monarchy; that the pope was the prince of all ecclesiastical, and the father of all secular princes, the chief of the world, and even in substance the world itself.[218] In another writing he affirmed, that the pope is as much superior to the emperor as gold is to lead;[219] that the pope can appoint and depose emperors and electors, establish and annul positive rights; and that the emperor, with all the laws and all the nations of Christendom, cannot decide the smallest matter contrary to the pope's will. Such was the voice which came forth from the palace of the sovereign pontiff, such the monstrous fiction which, in union with scholastic dogmas, aimed at suppressing reviving truth. Had this fiction not been unmasked, as it has been, and that even by learned members of the Catholic Church, there would have been neither true history nor true religion. The papacy is not merely a lie in regard to the Bible, it is also a lie in regard to the annals of nations. And hence the Reformation, by destroying its fascinating power, has emanc.i.p.ated not only the Church, but also kings and nations. The Reformation has been described as a political work, and in this secondary sense it truly was so.

[218] Caput orbis et consequenter orbis totus in virtute (De juridica et irrefragabili veritate Romanae Ecclesiae. Bibl. Max. xix, cap. iv.)

[219] Papa est imperatore major dignitate plus quam aurum plombo. (De Papa et ejus potestate, p. 371.)

[Sidenote: NO MUTILATION OF TRUTH. ZWINGLE PLEADS FOR LUTHER.]

Thus G.o.d sent a spirit of delusion on the doctors of Rome. The separation between truth and error must now be accomplished, and it is to error that the task is a.s.signed. Had a compromise been entered into, it must have been at the expense of truth; for to mutilate truth in the slightest degree is to pave the way for her complete annihilation. Like the insect, which is said to die on the loss of one of its antennae, she must be complete in all her parts, in order to display the energy which enables her to gain great and advantageous victories, and propagate herself through coming ages. To mingle any portion of error with truth is to throw a grain of poison into a large dish of food. The grain suffices to change its whole nature, and death ensues slowly, it may be; but yet surely. Those who defend the doctrine of Christ against the attacks of its adversaries keep as jealous an eye on its farthest outposts as on the citadel itself, for the moment the enemy gains any footing at all he is on the highway to conquest. The Roman pontiff determined at the period of which we now treat to rend the Church; and the fragment which remained in his hand, how splendid soever it may be, in vain endeavours under pompous ornaments to hide the deleterious principle by which it is attacked.

It is only where the word of G.o.d is, that there is life. Luther, however great his courage was, would probably have been silent had Rome been so and made some faint show of concession. But G.o.d did not leave the Reformation to depend on a weak human heart. Luther was under the guidance of a clearer intellect than his own. The pope was the instrument in the hand of Providence to sever every tie between the past and the future, and launch the Reformer on a new, unknown, and to him uncertain career, and the difficult avenues to which he would, if left to himself, have been unable to find. The papal bull was a writing of divorce sent from Rome to the pure Church of Jesus Christ, as personified in him who was then her humble but faithful representative. And the Church accepted the writing on the understanding that she was thenceforth to depend on none but her heavenly Head.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S CONDEMNATION.]

While at Rome, Luther's condemnation was urged forward with so much violence, a humble priest, dwelling in one of the humble towns of Helvetia, and who had never had any correspondence with the Reformer, was deeply moved when he thought of the blow which was aimed at him; while even the friends of the Wittemberg doctor trembled in silence, this mountaineer of Switzerland resolved to employ every means to stay the formidable bull. His name was Ulrick Zwingle. William des Faucons, who was secretary to the papal Legate in Switzerland, and managed the affairs of Rome during the Legate's absence, was his friend, and a few days before had said to him, "while I live you may calculate on obtaining from me everything that a true friend can be expected to give." The Helvetian priest, trusting to this declaration, repaired to the Roman emba.s.sy. This, at least, may be inferred from one of his letters. For himself, he had no fear of the dangers to which evangelical faith exposed him, knowing that a disciple of Jesus Christ must always be ready to sacrifice his life; "All I ask of Christ for myself," said he to a friend to whom he was unbosoming his solicitude on Luther's account, "all I ask is to be able to bear like a man whatever evils await me. I am a vessel of clay in his hands. Let him break or let him strengthen me as seemeth to him good."[220] But the Swiss evangelist had fears for the Christian Church, should this formidable blow reach the Reformer, and he endeavoured to persuade the representative of Rome to enlighten the pope, and employ all the means in his power to prevent him from launching an excommunication at Luther.[221] "The dignity of the holy see itself," said he to him, "is here at stake, for if matters are brought to such a point, Germany, in the height of her enthusiasm for the gospel, and for its preacher, will despise the pope and his anathemas."[222] The efforts of Zwingle were in vain. It appears, indeed, that when he was making them, the blow had been already struck. Such was the first occasion on which the paths of the Saxon doctor and the Swiss priest met. The latter we will again meet with in the course of this history, and will see him gradually expanding and growing until he obtain a high standing in the Church of the Lord.

[220] Hoc unum Christum obtestans, ut masculo omnia pectore ferre donet, et me figulinum suum rumpat aut firmet, ut illi placitum sit.

(Zwinglii Epistolae, curant. Schulero et Schulthessio, p. 144.)

[221] Ut pontificem admoneat, ne excommunicationem ferat. (Ibid.)

[222] Nam si feratur, auguror Germanos c.u.m excommunicatione pontificem quoque contempturos. (Zwinglii Epistolae, curant. Schulero et Schulthessio, p. 144.)

[Sidenote: THE PAPAL BULL.]

After Luther's condemnation was at last resolved upon, new difficulties arose in the Consistory. The theologians wished to proceed at once to fulmination, whereas the lawyers were for beginning with a citation, asking their theological colleagues, "Was not Adam first cited? '_Adam, where art thou?_' said the Lord. It was the same with Cain, the question asked at him was, 'where is thy brother, Abel?'" These strange arguments, drawn from Scripture, the canonists strengthened by appealing to the principles of the law of nature. "The certainty of a crime," said they, "cannot deprive the criminal of his right of defence."[223] It is pleasing to find a sense of justice still existing in a Roman consistory. But these scruples did not suit the theologians, who, hurried on by pa.s.sion, thought only of proceeding to business with despatch. It was at length agreed that the doctrine of Luther should be immediately condemned, and that a period of sixty days should be granted to him and his adherents; after which, provided they did not retract, they should all be, _ipso facto_, excommunicated. De Vio, who had returned from Germany in ill health, was carried to the meeting, that he might not lose this little triumph, which carried with it some degree of consolation. Having been defeated at Augsburg, he longed to be able at Rome to condemn the invincible monk, before whom his knowledge, finesse, and authority had proved unavailing. Luther not being there to reply, De Vio felt himself strong. A last conference, which Eck attended, was held in presence of the pope himself, in his villa at Malliano. On the 15th of June the sacred college resolved on condemnation, and approved of the famous bull.

[223] Sarpi Hist. of the Council of Trent, i, p. 12.

"Arise, O Lord!" said the Roman pontiff, speaking at this solemn moment as vicar of G.o.d and head of the Church, "arise and be judge in thy own cause. Remember the insults daily offered to thee by infatuated men. Arise, O Peter, remember thy holy Roman Church, the mother of all churches, and mistress of the faith! Arise, O Paul, for here is a new Porphyry, who is attacking thy doctrines and the holy popes our predecessors! Arise, in fine, a.s.sembly of all the saints, holy Church of G.o.d, and intercede with the Almighty!"[224]

[224] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 305, and Op. Lat. i, p. 32.

The pope afterwards quotes as pernicious, scandalous, and poisonous, forty-one propositions in which Luther had expounded the holy doctrine of the gospel. Among these propositions we find the following:--

"To deny that sin remains in an infant after baptism, is to trample St. Paul and our Lord Jesus Christ under foot."

"A new life is the best and n.o.blest penance."

"To burn heretics is contrary to the will of the Holy Spirit, etc."

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON.]

"The moment this Bull is published," continued the pope, "it will be the duty of the bishops to make careful search for the writings of Martin Luther, which contain these errors, and to burn them publicly and solemnly in presence of the clergy and laity. In regard to Martin himself, good G.o.d! what have we not done! Imitating the goodness of the Almighty, we are ready, even yet, to receive him into the bosom of the Church, and we give him sixty days to transmit his retractation to us in a writing sealed by two prelates; or, what will be more agreeable to us, to come to Rome in person, that no doubt may be entertained as to his submission. Meanwhile, and from this moment, he must cease to preach, teach, or write, and must deliver his works to the flames. If, in the s.p.a.ce of sixty days, he do not retract, we, by these presents, condemn him and his adherents as public and absolute heretics." The pope afterwards p.r.o.nounces a multiplicity of excommunications, maledictions, and interdicts against Luther and all his adherents, with injunctions to seize their persons and send them to Rome.[225] It is easy to conjecture what the fate of these n.o.ble confessors of the gospel would have been in the dungeons of the papacy.

[225] Sub praedictis pnis, praefatum Lutherum, complices adhaerentes, receptatores et fautores, personaliter capiant et ad nos mittant.

(Bulla Leonis, loc. cit.)

A thunder storm was thus gathering over the head of Luther. Some had been able to persuade themselves, after Reuchlin's affair, that the Court at Rome would not again make common cause with the Dominicans and the Inquisitors. These, however, were again in the ascendant, and the old alliance was solemnly renewed. The Bull was published, and for ages the mouth of Rome had never p.r.o.nounced a sentence of condemnation without following it up with a death blow. This murderous message was about to issue from the seven hills, and attack the Saxon monk in his cloister. The moment was well chosen. There were good grounds for supposing that the new emperor, who, for many reasons, was anxious to obtain the friends.h.i.+p of the pope, would hasten to merit it by the sacrifice of an obscure monk. Leo X, the cardinals, and all Rome, were exulting in the belief that their enemy was already in their power.

CHAP. V.

Wittemberg--Melancthon--His Marriage--Catharine--Domestic Life--Beneficence--Good Humour--Christ and Antiquity--Labour--Love of Letters--His Mother--Outbreak among the Students.

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S MARRIAGE.]

While the inhabitants of the eternal city were thus agitated more tranquil events were occurring at Wittemberg, where Melancthon was shedding a soft but brilliant light. From 1500 to 2000 hearers, who had flocked from Germany, England, the Netherlands, France, Italy, Hungary, and Greece, often a.s.sembled around him. He was twenty-four years of age, and had not taken orders. Every house in Wittemberg was open to this learned and amiable young professor. Foreign universities, in particular Ingolstadt, were desirous to gain him, and his Wittemberg friends wished to get him married, and thereby retain him among them. Luther, though he concurred in wis.h.i.+ng that his dear Philip should have a female companion, declared openly that he would give no counsel in the matter. The task was undertaken by others. The young doctor was a frequent visitor of Burgomaster Krapp. The burgomaster was of an ancient family, and had a daughter named Catharine, remarkable for the mildness of her dispositions, and her great sensibility. Melancthon was urged to ask her in marriage; but the young scholar was buried among his books, and could talk of nothing else. His Greek authors and his New Testament were all his delight. He combated the arguments of his friends; but at length his consent was obtained, and all the arrangements having been made by others, Catharine became his wife. He received her with great coolness,[226] and said, with a sigh, "G.o.d has willed it; so I must renounce my studies and my delights, to follow the wishes of my friends."[227] Still he appreciated the good qualities of Catharine.

"The disposition and education of the girl," said he, "are such as I might have asked G.o.d to give her, de??? ? Te??

te?a????t?.[228] She certainly deserved a better husband." The matter was settled in August. The espousals took place on the 25th of September, and the marriage was celebrated in the end of November. Old John Luther and his wife came with their daughters to Wittemberg on the occasion.[229] Many learned and distinguished persons were also present.

[226] Uxor enim datur mihi non dico quam frigenti. (Corp. Ref. i, p.

211.)

[227] Ego meis studiis, mea me voluptate fraudo. (Ibid., i, p. 265.)

[228] May G.o.d by his right hand give a happy issue. (Corp. Ref. i, p.

212.)

[229] Parentes mei c.u.m sororibus nuptias honorarunt Philippi. (Ep. i, p. 528.)

[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF MELANCTHON.]

The young bride was as warm in her affection as the young professor was cold. Ever full of anxiety for her husband, Catharine took the alarm the moment she saw him threatened with even the semblance of danger. If Melancthon proposed to take any step which might compromise him, she urged and entreated him to abandon it. "On one of these occasions," wrote Melancthon, "I was obliged to yield to her weakness.... It is our lot." How much unfaithfulness in the Church has had a similar origin. To the influence of Catharine ought, perhaps, to be attributed the timidity and fears with which her husband has often been reproached. Catharine was as fond a mother as a wife. She gave liberally to the poor. "O G.o.d, leave me not in my old age, when my hair shall begin to turn grey!" Such was the frequent prayer of this pious and timorous soul. Melancthon was soon won by the affection of his wife. When he had tasted the pleasures of domestic society he felt how sweet they were, for he was of a nature to feel them. His happiest moments were beside his Catharine and her children. A French traveller having one day found the "preceptor of Germany" rocking his infant with one hand, and with a book in the other, started back in surprise; but Melancthon, without being discomposed, so warmly explained to him the value of children in the sight of G.o.d, that the stranger left the house, (to use his own words,) "wiser than he had entered it."