The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Volume I Part 19

Joanna's interests were alone compromised, or rather sacrificed, by the treaty. She readily discerned in the provision for her marriage with an infant still in the cradle, only a flimsy veil intended to disguise the king of Portugal's desertion of her cause. Disgusted with a world, in which she had hitherto experienced nothing but misfortune herself, and been the innocent cause of so much to others, she determined to renounce it for ever, and seek a shelter in the peaceful shades of the cloister.

She accordingly entered the convent of Santa Clara at Coimbra, where, in the following year, she p.r.o.nounced the irrevocable vows, which divorce the unhappy subject of them for ever from her species. Two envoys from Castile, Ferdinand de Talavera, Isabella's confessor, and Dr. Diaz de Madrigal, one of her council, a.s.sisted at this affecting ceremony; and the reverend father, in a copious exhortation addressed to the youthful novice, a.s.sured her "that she had chosen the better part approved in the Evangelists; that, as spouse of the church, her chast.i.ty would be prolific of all spiritual delights; her subjection, liberty,--the only true liberty, partaking more of Heaven than of earth. No kinsman," continued the disinterested preacher, "no true friend, or faithful counsellor, would divert you from so holy a purpose." [36]

Not long after this event, King Alfonso, penetrated with grief at the loss of his destined bride,--the "excellent lady," as the Portuguese continue to call her,--resolved to imitate her example, and exchange his royal robes for the humble habit of a Franciscan friar. He consequently made preparation for resigning his crown anew, and retiring to the monastery of Varatojo, on a bleak eminence near the Atlantic Ocean, when he suddenly fell ill, at Cintra, of a disorder which terminated his existence, on the 28th of August, 1481. Alfonso's fiery character, in which all the elements of love, chivalry, and religion were blended together, resembled that of some paladin of romance; as the chimerical enterprises, in which he was perpetually engaged, seem rather to belong to the age of knight-errantry, than to the fifteenth century. [37]

In the beginning of the same year in which the pacification with Portugal secured to the sovereigns the undisputed possession of Castile, another crown devolved on Ferdinand by the death of his father, the king of Aragon, who expired at Barcelona, on the 20th of January, 1479, in the eighty-third year of his age. [38] Such was his admirable const.i.tution that he retained not only his intellectual, but his bodily vigor, unimpaired to the last. His long life was consumed in civil faction or foreign wars; and his restless spirit seemed to take delight in these tumultuous scenes, as best fitted to develop its various energies. He combined, however, with this intrepid and even ferocious temper, an address in the management of affairs, which led him to rely, for the accomplishment of his purposes, much more on negotiation than on positive force. He may be said to have been one of the first monarchs who brought into vogue that refined science of the cabinet, which was so profoundly studied by statesmen at the close of the fifteenth century, and on which his own son Ferdinand furnished the most practical commentary.

The crown of Navarre, which he had so shamelessly usurped, devolved, on his decease, on his guilty daughter Leonora, countess of Foix, who, as we have before noticed, survived to enjoy it only three short weeks. Aragon, with its extensive dependencies, descended to Ferdinand. Thus the two crowns of Aragon and Castile, after a separation of more than four centuries, became indissolubly united, and the foundations were laid of the magnificent empire which was destined to overshadow every other European monarchy.

FOOTNOTES

[1] The popular belief of Joanna's illegitimacy was founded on the following circ.u.mstances. 1. King Henry's first marriage with Blanche of Navarre was dissolved, after it had subsisted twelve years, on the publicly alleged ground of "impotence in the parties." 2. The princess Joanna, the only child of his second queen, Joanna of Portugal, was not born until the eighth year of her marriage, and long after she had become notorious for her gallantries. 3. Although Henry kept several mistresses, whom he maintained in so ostentatious a manner as to excite general scandal, he was never known to have had issue by any one of them.--To counterbalance the presumption afforded by these facts, it should be stated, that Henry appears, to the day of his death, to have cherished the princess Joanna as his own offspring, and that Beltran de la Cueva, duke of Albuquerque, her reputed father, instead of supporting her claims to the crown on the demise of Henry, as would have been natural had he been ent.i.tled to the honors of paternity, attached himself to the adverse faction of Isabella.

Queen Joanna survived her husband about six months only. Father Florez (Reynas Catholicas, tom. ii. pp. 760-786) has made a flimsy attempt to whitewash her character; but, to say nothing of almost every contemporary historian, as well as of the official doc.u.ments of that day (see Marina, Teoria, tom. iii. part. 2, num. 11), the stain has been too deeply fixed by the repeated testimony of Castillo, the loyal adherent of her own party, to be thus easily effaced.

It is said, however, that the queen died in the odor of sanct.i.ty; and Ferdinand and Isabella caused her to be deposited in a rich mausoleum, erected by the amba.s.sador to the court of the Great Tamerlane for himself, but from which his remains were somewhat unceremoniously ejected, in order to make room for those of his royal mistress.

[2] See this subject discussed _in extenso_, by Marina, Teoria, part. 2, cap. 1-10.--See, also, Introd. Sect. I. of this History.

[3] See Part I. Chap. 3.

[4] See Part I. Chap. 4, Note 2.

[5] Fortunately, this strong place, in which the royal treasure was deposited, was in the keeping of Andres de Cabrera, the husband of Isabella's friend, Beatriz de Bobadilla. His co-operation at this juncture was so important, that Oviedo does not hesitate to declare, "It lay with him to make Isabella or her rival queen, as he listed." Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 23.

[6] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 10.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 75.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 93.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 155.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 3.

[7] Marina, whose peculiar researches and opportunities make him the best, is my only authority for this convention of the cortes. (Teoria, tom. ii.

pp. 63, 89.) The extracts he makes from the writ of summons, however, seem to imply, that the object was not the recognition of Ferdinand and Isabella, but of their daughter, as successor to the crown. Among the n.o.bles, who openly testified their adhesion to Isabella, were no less than four of the six individuals, to whom the late king had intrusted the guardians.h.i.+p of his daughter Joanna; viz. the grand cardinal of Spain, the constable of Castile, the duke of Infantado, and the count of Benavente.

[8] A precedent for female inheritance, in the latter kingdom, was subsequently furnished by the undisputed succession and long reign of Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, and mother of Charles V. The introduction of the Salic law, under the Bourbon dynasty, opposed a new barrier, indeed; but this has been since swept away by the decree of the late monarch, Ferdinand VII., and the paramount authority of the cortes; and we may hope that the successful a.s.sertion of her lawful rights by Isabella II. will put this much vexed question at rest for ever.

[9] See Part I. Chap. 3.--Ferdinand's powers are not so narrowly limited, at least not so carefully defined, in this settlement, as in the marriage articles. Indeed, the instrument is much more concise and general in its whole import.

[10] Salazar de Mendoza, Cron. del Gran Cardenal, lib. 1, cap. 40.--L.

Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 155, 156.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol.

222-224.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, pp. 35, 36.--See the original instrument signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, cited at length in Dormer's Discursos Varios de Historia, (Zaragoza, 1683,) pp. 295-313.--It does not appear that the settlement was ever confirmed by, or indeed presented to, the cortes. Marina speaks of it, however, as emanating from that body.

(Teoria, tom. ii. pp. 63, 64.) From Pulgar's statement, as well as from the instrument itself, it seems to have been made under no other auspices or sanction, than that of the great n.o.bility and cavaliers. Marina's eagerness to find a precedent for the interference of the popular branch in all the great concerns of government, has usually quickened, but sometimes clouded, his optics. In the present instance he has undoubtedly confounded the irregular proceedings of the aristocracy exclusively, with the deliberate acts of the legislature.

[11] Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 94.--Garibay, Compendio, lib. 18, cap. 3.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 10, 11.--Pulgar, Letras, (Madrid, 1775,) let. 3, al Arzobispo de Toledo.--The archbishop's jealousy of cardinal Mendoza is uniformly reported by the Spanish writers as the true cause of his defection from the queen.

[12] Ruy de Pina, Chronica d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 173, apud Colleccao de Livros Ineditos de Historia Portugueza, (Lisboa, 1790-93,) tom. i.

[13] The ancient rivalry between the two nations was exasperated into the most deadly rancor, by the fatal defeat at Aljubarrotta, in 1235, in which fell the flower of the Castilian n.o.bility. King John I. wore mourning, it is said, to the day of his death, in commemoration of this disaster.

(Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 394-396.--La Clede, Hist.

de Portugal, tom. iii. pp. 357-359.) Pulgar, the secretary of Ferdinand and Isabella, addressed, by their order, a letter of remonstrance to the king of Portugal, in which he endeavors, by numerous arguments founded on expediency and justice, to dissuade him from his meditated enterprise.

Pulgar, Letras, No. 7.

[14] Ruy de Pina, Chronica d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 174-178.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 16, 17, 18.--Bernaldez states, that Alfonso, previously to his invasion, caused largesses of plate and money to be distributed among the Castilian n.o.bles, whom he imagined to be well affected towards him. Some of them, the duke of Alva in particular, received his presents and used them in the cause of Isabella.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 396-398.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv.

fol. 230-240.--La Clede, Hist. de Portugal, tom. iii. pp. 360-362.-Pulgar, Cronica, p. 51.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 156.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 3.

[15] The queen, who was, at that time, in a state of pregnancy, brought on a miscarriage by her incessant personal exposure. Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv.

fol. 234.

[16] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 75.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, pp. 45-55.-- Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. vii. p. 411.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 23.

[17] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 18.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 398-400.--Pulgar, Cronica, pp. 55-60.--Ruy de Pina, Chron. d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 179.--La Clede, Hist. de Portugal, tom. iii. p. 366.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 240-243.

[18] "Pues no os maravilleis de eso," says Oviedo, in relation to these troubles, "que no solo entre hermanos suele haber esas diferencias, mas entre padre e hijo lo vimos ayer, como suelen decir." Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 3.

[19] The royal coffers were found to contain about 10,000 marks of silver.

(Pulgar, Reyes Catol. p. 54.) Isabella presented Cabrera with a golden goblet from her table, engaging that a similar present should be regularly made to him and his successors on the anniversary of his surrender of Segovia. She subsequently gave a more solid testimony of her grat.i.tude, by raising him to the rank of marquis of Moya, with the grant of an estate suitable to his new dignity.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 23.

[20] The indignation of Dr. Salazar de Mendoza is roused by this misapplication of the church's money, which he avers "no necessity whatever could justify." This worthy canon flourished in the seventeenth century. Cron. del Gran Cardenal, p. 147.--Pulgar, Reyes Catol. pp. 60- 62.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 400.--Rades y Andrada, Las Tres Ordenes, part. 1, fol. 67.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 243.-- Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 18, 20. Zuniga gives some additional particulars respecting the grant of the cortes, which I do not find verified by any contemporary author. Annales de Sevilla, p. 372.

[21] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., anos 75, 76.--Ruy de Pina, Chron. del Rey Alfonso V., cap. 187, 189.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 20, 22.

--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, pp. 63-78.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol.

156.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 401, 404.--Several of the contemporary Castilian historians compute the Portuguese army at double the amount given in the text.

[22] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, pp. 82-85.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol.

252, 253.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 404, 405.-- Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos. MS., cap. 23.--Ruy de Pina, Chron. d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 190.

[23] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 76.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol.

158.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, pp. 85-89.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 404, 405.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap.

23.--La Clede, Hist. de Portugal, tom. iii. pp. 378-383.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 252-255.

[24] Faria y Sousa claims the honors of the victory for the Portuguese, because Prince John kept the field till morning. Even M. La Clede, with all his deference to the Portuguese historian, cannot swallow this. Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 405-410.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8.--Salazar de Mendoza, Cron. del Gran Cardenal, lib. 1, cap. 46--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, pp. 85-90.--L.

Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 158.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 76.-- Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 23.--Ruy de Pina, Chron. d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 191.--Ferdinand, in allusion to Prince John, wrote to his wife, that "if it had not been for the chicken, the old c.o.c.k would have been taken." Garibay, Compendio, lib. 18, cap. 8.

[25] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, p. 90.--The sovereigns, in compliance with a previous vow, caused a superb monastery, dedicated to St. Francis, to be erected in Toledo, with the t.i.tle of San Juan de los Reyes, in commemoration of their victory over the Portuguese. This edifice was still to be seen in Mariana's time.

[26] Rades y Andrada, Las Tres Ordenes, tom. ii. fol. 79, 80.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 48-50, 55, 60.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 19, cap. 46, 48, 54, 58.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. vii. pp. 476-478, 517-519, 546.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 10.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8.

[27] Gaillard, Rivalite, tom. iii. pp. 290, 292.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 76.

[28] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 27.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 56, 57.--Gaillard, Rivalite, tom. iii. pp. 290-292.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 19, cap. 56, lib. 20, cap. 10.--Ruy de Pina, Chron. d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 194-202.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 412- 415.--Comines, Memoires, liv. 5, chap. 7.

[29] According to Faria y Sousa, John was walking along the sh.o.r.es of the Tagus, with the duke of Braganza, and the cardinal archbishop of Lisbon, when he received the unexpected tidings of his father's return to Portugal. On his inquiring of his attendants how he should receive him, "How but as your king and father!" was the reply; at which John, knitting his brows together, skimmed a stone, which he held in his hand, with much violence across the water. The cardinal, observing this, whispered to the duke of Braganza, "I will take good care that that stone does not rebound on me." Soon after, he left Portugal for Rome, where he fixed his residence. The duke lost his life on the scaffold for imputed treason soon after John's accession.--Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 416.

[30] Comines, Memoires, liv. 5, chap. 7.--Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 116.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 20, cap. 25.-- Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 27.

[31] This was the first meeting between father and son since the elevation of the latter to the Castilian throne. King John would not allow Ferdinand to kiss his hand; he chose to walk on his left; he attended him to his quarters, and, in short, during the whole twenty days of their conference manifested towards his son all the deference, which, as a parent, he was ent.i.tled to receive from him. This he did on the ground that Ferdinand, as king of Castile, represented the elder branch of Trastamara, while he represented only the younger. It will not be easy to meet with an instance of more punctilious etiquette, even in Spanish history.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 75.

[32] Salazar de Mendoza, Cron. del Gran Cardenal, p. 162.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 20, cap. 25.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 79.

[33] Ruy de Pina, Chron. d'el Rey Alfonso V., cap. 206.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 166, 167.--Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 85, 89, 90.-- Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. pp. 420, 421.--Ferreras, Hist.

d'Espagne, tom. vii. p. 538.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 79.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 28, 36, 37.