What Germany Thinks Part 3

"Our hour of destiny has struck! Germany, the strongest and most peaceful nation on earth, appeals to the sword. The last call which we sent across the Eastern frontier has remained unanswered. The enemy is mute. Now Germany speaks!

"The Kaiser calls the Empire to arms! Our King will lead Bavaria's armies to him. The nation is ready, armed to the teeth. Challenged by a dishonest opponent who envies us the fruit of our peaceful toil, the hands of German men leave their work and grasp the sword. Our enemy shall learn to his terrible cost, what it means to summon a nation in arms to the battlefield. The German army goes out to fight for our country, in a cause which is more stainless and pure than the light of the sun. The disgraceful Muscovite conspiracy, creeping in the footsteps of Serbian murderers, believes the moment has arrived in which they will be able to fall upon, overthrow and plunder us; Russia desires to kindle a world war.

"We believe that he will not succeed; but should it thus fall out, we Germans will defend not only our land and ourselves; but, in this war which has been forced upon us in the basest manner possible, we shall defend the civilization of the world, the culture of the earth, against debased 'unculture' and the spreading roots of decay. This is a lofty and tremendous task. If we are victorious, as we confidently trust, then the ever-increasing number of civilized peoples honestly toiling in the blessings of peace, will thank us for centuries to come.

"Brothers! Sisters! such an hour has come that the history of the world has never witnessed before. In the struggle which now begins--a deadly grapple frivolously conjured up by Russia's monarch--the whole earth will groan. The German people, however, will prove that it is worthy to retain and develop its leading place in the intellectual and cultural progress of the world. Our enemy envies us this position because in his land, stupidity and confusion reign supreme; his own uncivilization and barbarism cannot be rooted out.

"We will prevent him from throwing Europe back to the conditions in which he and his likes dwell. May G.o.d grant that the civilized peoples of Europe may have true understanding for this historic hour, just as their heroic ancestors understood the danger when they hurled themselves against the invasions of the Mongols.

"First of all the German nation will march against the armies of the East, and, hand in hand with our ally, we hope will so grip the enemy that he will lose all desire ever to attack us again."[17]

[Footnote 17: _Munchen-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, August 2nd.]

The last lines of this perfervid article, give an instructive clue. A mere quibble had arisen between the Central Powers and Russia. The former immediately adopted an arrogant, even threatening, att.i.tude which thoughtful Germans condemned. Russia's willingness to submit the question to an arbitration conference consisting of four neutral amba.s.sadors seems only to have intensified Teutonic l.u.s.t to humiliate the opponent. In any case, it is interesting to note that between July 24th and 31st the whole German nation had been converted to the uncompromising att.i.tude of the Government.

Further, it is evident that the German people believed they were about to march against Russia. The very last remark which I heard from German lips as we entered the train to leave Erlangen on July 31st was: "Jetzt werden die Russen abgeklopft." ("Now the Russians will get a whacking.")[18]

[Footnote 18: We left Erlangen at 3.30 p.m. Martial law had been proclaimed some time previous to that. But the proclamation in Berlin occurred at 3.30 p.m. on the same day. The _Berliner Abendblatt_ published on the same evening states that the Kaiser had been waiting and hoping for a peaceful answer from Russia. The Bavarian authorities could not have taken so serious a step without an order from the Highest War Lord, which leads to the conclusion that it was a device to get military preparation well under way.]

The Berlin cabinet mobilized Germany's armed strength, as they alleged, against Russia, and the Government succeeded in arousing and enlisting national enthusiasm against the Eastern neighbour. Yet when the time came to strike, Germany's might was hurled against neutral Belgium and unwilling France, while Russia was left free to overrun the Eastern part of Germany. The blood-guilt rests in the first place with the Kaiser and his Government, and in the second place (although in no less a degree) with the German people, because they condoned the crime and acquiesced in the duplicity.

While the war fury seethed through the nation the cry echoed on all sides: "We want peace! We have worked for a peaceful solution!" Yet a study of the workings of the national mind as revealed in the German Press, and of diplomatic doings as shown in the German White Book, affords not a single instance--excepting the Socialists'

demonstrations--of any tangible, concrete effort made either by the German people or its representative diplomacy to avoid a catastrophe. On the other hand it must be said that the latter (German diplomacy) deliberately baulked the only practical proposal (Sir Edward Grey's) which could have brought about a solution. The German nation _did_ desire peace, but only on the condition that their opponents granted Germany and Austria's arrogant claims down to the smallest t.i.ttle.

Exactly at six minutes to one (midday) on August 1st, a telegram left Berlin instructing the German Amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg to declare war on Russia at 5 p.m. if the latter State had not given a satisfactory answer to Germany's ultimatum by that time. Count Pourtales performed this duty, and therewith the sands of fate ran out.

On the previous day summonses had been issued calling a meeting of the Reichstag for Tuesday, August 4th. The opening ceremony took place at 1 p.m. and all the political parties were present, except the Social Democrats, who, according to their traditions, did not appear, and thus escaped the famous hand-shaking scene. The Kaiser and two of his sons appeared in field-grey uniform. His theatrical appeal for the leaders of each party to swear fidelity to the national cause by shaking hands with him, as well as his saying that "Now there are only Germans," may have been spontaneous; but it is far more probable that they were meant to be a diplomatic appeal to the sentimental vanity of the German nation.

It would be superfluous to deal with the speech from the throne in this place, but at the close of the ceremony an incident occurred which deserves mention. "After taking leave of the Reichstag's representatives the Kaiser stretched out his hand to the famous professor of jurisprudence in Strasbourg University, Dr. van Calker. The Kaiser looked steadily at Professor van Calker for a moment, then, after the handshake, clenched his fist and struck downwards uttering these words: 'Nun aber wollen wir sie dreschen!'[19] ('Now we will jolly well thrash them!'); nodded to the professor and walked away."[20]

[Footnote 19: This utterance has since become a common theme for composition exercises in German schools.]

[Footnote 20: _Tagliche Rundschau_, August 5th.]

The sitting in the Reichstag was a solemn event. On that occasion the Chancellor expressed himself at length in defining Germany's position.

"A tremendous fate has fallen upon Europe. While we have endeavoured to maintain the prestige of the German Empire in the eyes of the world, we have lived for forty-four years in peace and protected European peace.

In this work of peace we have become strong and mighty--therefore we are envied. We have suffered with long-enduring patience; while in the East and West, under the excuse that Germany is l.u.s.ting for war, hatred for us has been nourished and fetters wrought where-with to bind us. The wind which blows there has now become a storm.

"We desired nothing but to live on in peaceful toil, content with an unspoken oath that was echoed from the Emperor down to the youngest recruit. Our sword shall only leap from its sheath in defence of a just cause. (Loud applause.) The day on which we must draw it, has dawned against our will and contrary to our honest endeavours. Russia has set a burning torch to the house of peace. (Loud cries of 'Quite true.') We stand to-day in a forced war with Russia and France.

"Gentlemen, a number of doc.u.ments, collected in the haste caused by these overwhelming events, have been laid before you. Permit me to emphasize the facts which characterize our att.i.tude.

"From the moment that the Austrian conflict broke out we have striven and worked to limit the quarrel to Austria-Hungary and Serbia. All the cabinets, in particular England, accept this view; only Russia has declared that in the settlement of this conflict, she must be allowed to express her wishes. Therewith the danger of European complications raised its threatening countenance.

"As soon as the first certain news of Russian military preparations reached us, we caused it to be made known in St. Petersburg, in a friendly but unmistakable manner, that warlike measures and military preparations would compel us also to take corresponding steps. But mobilization is next to war. Russia a.s.sured us in a friendly tone (cries of indignation) that she was making no military preparations against us.

"Meanwhile England tried to mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg and was warmly supported by us. On July 28th the Kaiser telegraphed to the Czar begging him to remember that it was Austria-Hungary's right and duty to stop the Greater-Serbian agitation, as this threatened to undermine Austria's existence. (Cries of indignation.) The Kaiser pointed out to the Czar the gulf between monarchical interests and the outrage at Serajewo; he begged him to give his personal support to the Kaiser's endeavour to smooth out the ant.i.thesis between Vienna and St.

Petersburg.

"Just before this telegram came into the Czar's hands, the Czar, on his side, begged the Kaiser for his help: the Kaiser should advise Vienna to be more moderate. The Kaiser undertook the task of mediator, but the action ordered by him was hardly in motion, when Russia began to mobilize all her forces against Austria-Hungary. (Excited shouts of indignation and disgust.) But Austria had only mobilized certain army corps against Serbia, besides which she had only two corps, and these were far from the Russian frontier.

"At this juncture the Kaiser informed the Czar that the mobilization of his armies against Austria would increase the difficulties of mediation, a task which he had undertaken at the Czar's express wish, and perhaps render it impossible. Nevertheless, we continued our mediatory action in Berlin, and indeed in a form which went to the limits permitted by our alliance. (Great excitement.) During this time Russia renewed her a.s.surances that she was taking no military measures against us.

"We come to July 3ist. In Vienna a decision was to be arrived at on that day. By our representations we had already brought it about that Vienna, which for a time was not in direct communication with St. Petersburg, had commenced direct discussion again. But before Vienna could come to a final decision, the news came that Russia was mobilizing--_i.e._, against us too--her whole forces. (Cries of indignation.) The Russian Government, although fully aware from our repeated representations what a mobilization on our frontiers means, did not notify this step to us, and gave us no explanations concerning it.

"As late as the afternoon of July 31st a telegram came from the Czar to the Kaiser in which the former pledged himself that his army should take up no provocative att.i.tude against us. (Great excitement.) But the hostile mobilization on the Russian frontier was in full swing during the night July 30th-31st. While we were mediating in Berlin the Russian armies appeared on our long and almost entirely open frontier. France was not yet mobilizing, but, as she admits, was already taking precautionary measures.

"And we? Up till then we had not--the Imperial Chancellor spoke with great emotion and repeatedly struck the table while uttering these words--called up a single reservist, out of a loving regard for the peace of Europe. (Loud cries of 'Bravo!') Were we then to wait on in patience till the Powers between which we are wedged should choose their moment to strike? (A hurricane of voices, 'No!') To expose Germany to this danger would be a crime. (Stormy, general and long continued cries of 'Quite true!' and 'Bravo!' in which the Social Democrats joined too.)

"Therefore on July 31st we requested Russia to demobilize as the only measure which could save the European peace. (Loud applause.) The Imperial Amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg further received instructions to inform the Russian Government, that in case our demand was rejected, we should consider ourselves in a state of war with Russia. The Imperial Amba.s.sador has carried out these instructions.

"What answer Russia accorded to our demand for demobilization we do not know even to-day. Telegraphic announcements on this point have not reached us, although matters of far less importance have been sent over the wires. Hence, long after the expiration of the stated time, the Kaiser saw himself compelled to mobilize our forces at 5 o'clock on August 1st.

"Simultaneously, it was necessary for us to inquire regarding France's att.i.tude. In answer to our definite question whether, in case of a Russo-German war, France would remain neutral, the French Government has replied that they will act as their interests dictate. (Laughter.) This was at least an evasion, if not a negative answer to our question.

"In spite of this, the Kaiser ordered that the French frontier should be respected. This order was strictly obeyed with one single exception.

France, who mobilized at the same time as ourselves, declared that she would respect a ten-kilometre zone along her frontiers. (Cries of indignation.) And what happened in reality? Their airmen have thrown bombs, cavalry patrols have violated our territory, and companies have broken into Alsace-Lorraine. (Indignation.) Therewith, France, although war has not yet been declared, has attacked our territories.

"As regards the single exception which I have referred, I have received the following report from the Chief of the General Staff: In respect to French complaints of violations of her frontiers, only one case is admitted. Against express orders an officer with a patrol from the 14th Army Corps crossed the French frontier on August 2nd. Apparently they were shot down; only one man has returned. But long before this single instance occurred, French airmen had penetrated into Southern Germany and dropped bombs, and French troops had attacked our frontier-protection-troops in the Schlucht Pa.s.s. Up till now our soldiers have confined themselves entirely to protecting the frontier.

"So far the report from the Chief of the General Staff.

"We are now in a position of self-defence, and necessity knows no law![21] (Cries of 'Quite right!') Our troops have occupied Luxembourg, perhaps they have already entered Belgium. (Loud applause.) That is a breach of international law. The French Government, it is true, had declared in Brussels that they would respect Belgian neutrality so long as their opponent respected it. But we knew that France stood ready to invade it. (Cries of indignation.)

[Footnote 21: This sentence seems so important that I give the original: "Wir sind jetzt in der Notwehr, und Not kennt kein Gebot!"]

"France could wait, we could not; and a French attack in our flank on the Lower Rhine might have been disastrous for us. Thus we were compelled to ignore the protests of the Luxembourg and Belgian Governments.

"The injustice which we commit thereby, we shall try to make good again as soon as our military goal is attained. Anyone who fights for the highest, as we do now, may only think of how he may hack his way through. (Hurricanes of applause; long continued hand-clapping in the whole house and on the tribune.)

"Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.

Concerning England's att.i.tude, the declaration made by Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons yesterday has made the standpoint which the English Government takes up quite clear.

"We have declared to the English Government that as long as England remains neutral, our fleet shall not attack the North Coast of France.

Further, that we shall not disturb the integrity and independence of Belgium. I repeat this declaration before the whole world and I may add that if England will remain neutral, we are prepared--a.s.suming mutual treatment--to undertake no hostile operations against France's commercial marine. (Applause.)

"Gentlemen, so much for events up till now! I repeat the words of the Kaiser: 'We enter the struggle with a clear conscience!' (Great enthusiasm.) We are fighting for the fruits of our labours in peace, for the heritage of a great past, and for our future. The fifty years are not yet ended within which Moltke said we should stand at arms to defend the heritage and the achievements of 1870. The hour of great trial has struck for our nation. But we look forward to it with absolute confidence. (Tremendous applause.)

"Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready, and behind them the entire German nation (roars of never-ending applause and hand-clapping in the whole house)--the whole German nation! (These words were accompanied by a gesture towards the Social Democrats.--Renewed outburst of applause, in which the Social Democrats also joined.)

"Gentlemen, you know your duty in its entirety. The vote of credit requires no further argument, I beg you to pa.s.s it quickly. (Loud applause.)"[22]

[Footnote 22: _Berliner Tageblatt_, August 5th.]

Unfortunately this eloquent exposition of Germany's case contains inaccuracies which can only be described as conscious untruths. I have already made myself responsible for the statement: "Lying has always been the foundation stone of German policy."[23] Earl Cromer, in commenting on this, gives additional evidence of its veracity.[24]

[Footnote 23: "Soul of Germany," p. 192.]