History of the Rise of the Huguenots Volume I Part 56

Catharine was not, however, satisfied with this general apology; she even undertook to express to the pontifical court her idea of some of the reforms which were dictated by the times.[1080] On the fourth of August--nearly three weeks before Beza's arrival--she wrote a letter to Pius the Fourth of so radical a character that its authenticity has been called into question, although without sufficient reason. After acquainting the Pope with the extraordinary increase in the number of those who had forsaken the Roman Church, and with the impossibility of restoring unity by means of coercion, she declared it a special mark of divine favor that there were among the dissidents neither Anabaptists nor Libertines, for all held the creed as explained by the early councils of the Church. It was, consequently, the conviction of many pious persons that, by the concession of some points of practice, the present divisions might be healed. But more frequent and peaceful conferences must be held, the ministers of religion must preach concord and charity to their flocks, and the scruples of those who still remained in the pale of the Church must be removed by the abolition of all unnecessary and objectionable practices. Images, forbidden by G.o.d and disapproved of by the Fathers, ought at once to be banished from public wors.h.i.+p, baptism to be stripped of its exorcisms, communion in both forms to be restored, the vernacular tongue to be employed in the services of the church, private ma.s.ses to be discountenanced. Such were the abuses which it seemed proper to correct, while leaving the papal authority undiminished, and the doctrines of the Church unaffected by innovations.[1081] To such a length was a woman--herself devoid of strong convictions, and possessing otherwise little sympathy with the belief or the practice of the reformers--carried by the force of the current by which she was surrounded. But, whether the letter was dictated by L'Hospital, or inspired by Bishop Montluc--at this time suspected of being more than half a Huguenot at heart--the fact that a production openly condemning the Roman Catholic traditional usages on more than one point should have emanated from the pen of Catharine de'

Medici, is certainly somewhat remarkable. At Rome the letter produced a deep impression. If the Pope did not at once give utterance to his serious apprehensions, he was at least confirmed in his resolution to redeem his pledge in respect to a universal council, and he must have congratulated himself on having already despatched an able negotiator to the French court, in the person of the Cardinal of Ferrara, a legate whose intrigues will occupy us again presently.[1082]

[Sidenote: Beza's flattering reception.]

Despite Pope and prelates, Beza met with the most flattering reception.

He was welcomed upon his arrival by the princ.i.p.al statesmen of the kingdom. L'Hospital showed his eagerness to obtain the credit of having introduced him. Coligny, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde betrayed their joy at his coming. The Cardinals of Bourbon and Chatillon shook hands with him. Indeed, the contrast between Bourbon's present cordiality and his coldness a year before at Nerac, provoked Beza to make the playful remark that "he had not undergone any change since the cardinal had refused to speak to him through fear of being excommunicated."[1083] Afterward, attended by a numerous escort,[1084]

the reformer was conducted to the quarters of the Prince of Conde, where the princess and Madame de Coligny showed themselves "marvellously well disposed." On the morrow, which was Sunday, Beza preached in the prince's apartments before a large and honorable audience. Conde himself, however, was absent, engaged in making that unfortunate St.

Bartholomew's Day reconciliation with the Duke of Guise, of which mention has already been made.[1085] Certainly neither Beza nor the other reformers could complain of the greeting extended to them. "They received a more cordial welcome than would have awaited the Pope of Rome, had he come to the French court," remarks a contemporary curate with a spice of bitterness.[1086]

[Sidenote: Beza meets Cardinal Lorraine.]

[Sidenote: The cardinal professes to be satisfied.]

[Sidenote: A witty woman's caution.]

That very evening Beza and Lorraine crossed swords for the first time in the apartments of Navarre.[1087] The former, coming by invitation, was much surprised to find there before him not only Antoine and his brothers, but Catharine de' Medici and Cardinal Lorraine, neither of whom had he previously met. Without losing his self-possession, however, he briefly adverted to the occasion of his coming, and the queen mother in return graciously expressed the joy she would experience should his advent conduce to the peace and quietness of the realm. Hereupon the cardinal took part in the conversation, and said that he hoped Beza might be as zealous in allaying the troubles of France as he had been successful in fomenting discord--a remark which Beza did not let pa.s.s unchallenged, for he declared that he neither had distracted nor intended to distract his native land. From inquiries respecting Beza's great master, Calvin, his age and health, the discourse turned to certain obnoxious expressions which Lorraine attributed to Beza himself; but the latter entirely disclaimed being their author, much to the confusion of the cardinal, who had expected to create a strong prejudice against his opponent in the minds of the by-standers. The greater part of the evening, however, was consumed in a discussion respecting the real presence. Beza, while denying that the sacramental bread and wine were trans.m.u.ted into the body and blood of Christ, was willing to admit, according to Calvin's views and his own, "that the bread is sacramentally Christ's body--that is, that although that body is now in heaven alone, while we have the signs with us on earth, yet the very body of Christ is as truly given to us and received by faith, and that to our eternal life, on account of G.o.d's promise, as the sign is in a natural manner placed in our hands."[1088] The statement was certainly far enough removed from the theory of the Romish Church to have consigned its author to the flames, had the theologians of the Sorbonne been his judges. But it satisfied the cardinal,[1089] who confessed that he was little at home in a discussion foreign to his ordinary studies--a fact quite sufficiently apparent from his confused statements[1090]--and did not attempt to conceal the little account which he made of the dogma of transubstantiation.[1091] "See then, madam," said Beza, "what are those sacramentarians, who have been so long persecuted and overwhelmed with all kinds of calumnies." "Do you hear, cardinal?" said the queen to Lorraine. "He says that the sacramentarians hold no other opinion than that to which you have a.s.sented."[1092] With this satisfactory conclusion the discussion, which had lasted a couple of hours,[1093] was concluded. The queen mother left greatly pleased with the substantial agreement which the two champions of opposite creeds had attained in their first interview, and flattering herself that greater results might attend the public conferences. The cardinal, too, professed high esteem for Beza, and said to him, as he was going away: "I adjure you to confer with me; you will not find me so black as I am painted."[1094]

Beza might have been pardoned, had he permitted the cardinal's professions somewhat to shake his convictions of the man's true character. He was, however, placed on his guard by the pointed words of a witty woman. Madame de Crussol, who had listened to the entire conversation, as she shook the cardinal's hand at the close of the evening, significantly said, in a voice loud enough to be heard by all: "Good man for to-night; but to-morrow--what?"[1095] The covert prediction was soon fulfilled. The very next day the cardinal was industriously circulating the story that Beza had been vanquished in their first encounter.[1096]

[Sidenote: A Huguenot pet.i.tion.]

[Sidenote: Vexatious delay.]

[Sidenote: The pet.i.tion informally granted.]

The Protestant ministers, a.s.sembled at St. Germain about ten days before Beza's arrival,[1097] had, with wise forethought, presented to the king a pet.i.tion embracing four points of prime importance.[1098] They guarded against an unfair treatment of the cause they had come to maintain, by demanding that their opponents, the prelates, should not be permitted to const.i.tute themselves their judges, that the king and his council should preside in the conferences, and that the controversy should be decided by reference to the Word of G.o.d. Moreover, lest the incidents of the discussion should be perverted, and each party should so much the more confidently arrogate to itself the credit of victory as the claim was more difficult of refutation, they insisted on the propriety of appointing, by common consent of the two parties, clerks whose duty it would be to take down in writing an accurate account of the entire proceedings. To so reasonable a pet.i.tion the court felt compelled to return a gracious reply. The requests could not, however, be definitely granted, the ministers were told, without first consulting the prelates, and gaining, if possible, their consent.[1099] This was no easy matter.

Many of the doctors of Poissy, and even some members of the council, maintained that with condemned heretics, such as the Huguenots had long been, it was wrong to hold any sort of discussion.[1100] Day after day pa.s.sed, but the attainment of the object for which the ministers had come seemed no nearer than when they left their distant homes. They were not yet permitted to appear before the king and vindicate the confession of faith which they had, several months before, declared themselves prepared to maintain.[1101] Meantime it was notorious that their enemies were ceaselessly plotting to arrange every detail of the conference--if, indeed, it must be held--in a manner so unfavorable to the reformers, that they might rather appear to be culprits brought up for trial and sentence, before a court composed of Romish prelates, than as the advocates of a purer faith.[1102] At length, weary of the protracted delay, the Protestant ministers presented themselves before Catharine de' Medici, on the eighth of September, and demanded the impartial hearing to which they were ent.i.tled; and they plainly announced their intention to depart at once, unless they should receive satisfactory a.s.surances that they would be s.h.i.+elded from the malice of their enemies.[1103] It was well for the Protestants that they exhibited such decision. Catharine, who always deferred a definite decision on important matters until the last moment--a habit not unfrequently leading to the hurried adoption of the means least calculated to effect her selfish ends--was constrained to yield a portion of their demands.

In the presence of the Protestants an informal decree was pa.s.sed, with the consent of Navarre, Conde, Coligny, and the chancellor[1104]--those members of the council who happened to be in the audience chamber--that the bishops should not be made judges; that to one of the secretaries of state should be a.s.signed the duty of writing out the minutes of the conference, but that the Protestants should retain the right of appending such notes as they might deem proper. The king would be present at the discussions, together with the princes of the blood. But Catharine peremptorily declined to grant a formal decree according these points. This, she said, would only be to furnish the opposite party with a plausible pretext for refusing to enter into the colloquy.[1105]

Meanwhile she urged them to maintain a modest demeanor, and to seek only the glory of G.o.d, which she professed to believe that they had greatly at heart.[1106]

[Sidenote: Last efforts of the Sorbonne to prevent the colloquy.]

The Romish party, however, was unwilling to approach the distasteful conference without a final attempt to dissuade the queen from so perilous an undertaking. As the Protestants left Catharine's apartments, a deputation of doctors of the Sorbonne entered the door. They came to beg her not to grant a hearing to heretics already so often condemned.

If this request could not be accorded, they suggested that at least the tender ears of the king should be spared exposure to a dangerous infection. But Catharine was too far committed to listen to their pet.i.tion. She was resolved that the colloquy should be held, and held in the king's presence.[1107]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 968: Evidently the Guises had acquiesced with so much alacrity in the convocation of the States General only because of their confidence in their power to intimidate any party that should undertake to oppose them. Chantonnay, the Spanish amba.s.sador, informed Philip of this before Francis's death, and gave the Cardinal of Lorraine as his authority for the statement: "Le ha dicho el cardenal de Lorrena que para aquel tiempo avria aqui tanta gente de guerra y se daria tal orden que a qualquiera que quiziesse hablar se le cerra.s.se la boca, y a.s.si ne se hiziesse mas dello que ellos quiziessen." Simancas MSS., _apud_ Mignet, Journal des savants, 1859, p. 40.]

[Footnote 969: Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 18.]

[Footnote 970: From Nov. 20th to Dec. 1st, De la Place, 77, 78.]

[Footnote 971: La Planche, 418.]

[Footnote 972: "Si possible estoit," wrote Calvin, "il seroit bon de leur faire veiller le corps da trespa.s.se, comme ils out faict jouer ce rosle aux aultres." Letter to ministers of Paris, Lettres franchises, ii. 347.]

[Footnote 973: "Lutherano more sepultus Lutheranorum hostis." Letter of Beza to Bullinger, _ubi supra_, p. 19. "Dont advint un brocard: que le roy, ennemy mortel des huguenauds, n'avoit pen empescher d'estre enterre a la huguenaute." La Planche, 421.]

[Footnote 974: De la Place, 76.]

[Footnote 975: "De consentir que une femme veuve, une estrangere et Italienne domine, non-seulement il luy tourneroit a grand deshonneur, mais a un tel prejudice de la couronne, qu'il en seroit blasme a jamais." Calvin to the ministers of Paris, Lettres fr., ii. 346.]

[Footnote 976: Commentarii del regno di Francia, probably written early in 1562, in Tommaseo, Rel. des Amb. Ven., i. 552-554.]

[Footnote 977: Calvin, who read his contemporaries thoroughly, wrote to Bullinger (May 24, 1561): "Rex Navarrae non minus segnis aut flexibilis quam hactenus liberalis est promissor; nulla fides, nulla constantia, etsi enim videtur interdum non modo viriles igniculos jacere, sed luculentam flammam spargere, mox evanescit. Hoc quando subinde accidit non aliter est metuendus quam praevaricator forensis. Adde quod totus est venereus," etc. Baum, vol. ii., App., 32.]

[Footnote 978: Letter of Francis Hotman, Strasbourg, December 31, 1560, to the King of Navarre, Bulletin, ix. (1860) 32.]

[Footnote 979: "En quoy il fault que je vous dye que le roy de Navarre, qui est le premier, et auquel les lois du royaume donnent beaucoup d'avantage, s'est si doulcement et franchement porte a mon endroict, que j'ay grande occasion de m'en contenter, s'estant du tout mis entre mes mains et despouille du pouvoir et d'auctorite soubz mon bon plaisir....

Je l'ay tellement gaigne, que je fais et dispose de luy tout ainsy qu'il me plaist." Letter of Catharine to the Bishop of Limoges, December 19, 1560, _ap._ Negociations relat. au regne de Fr. II., p. 786, 787.]

[Footnote 980: "Encore que je souy contraynte d'avoyr le roy de Navarre aupres de moy, d'aultent que le louys de set royaume le portet ynsin, quant le roy ayst en bas ayage, que les prinse du sanc souyt aupres de la mere; si ne fault-y qu'il entre en neule doulte, car y m'e si aubeysant et n'a neul comendement que seluy que je luy permes." The fact that this letter was written by Catharine's own hand well accounts for the spelling. Negociations, etc., 791.]

[Footnote 981: Memoires de Castelnau, liv. iii., c. 2. In July, 1561, the salaries of the officers of the Parliament of Paris were in arrears for nearly a year and a half. Memoires de Conde (Edit. Michaud et Poujoulat), 579.]

[Footnote 982: "Che certo non pu piu." Relaz. di Giovanne Michele, _ap._ Tommaseo, Relations des Amb. Ven., i. 408.]

[Footnote 983: And yet--such are the inconsistencies of human character--this queen, whose nature was a singular compound of timidity, hypocrisy, licentiousness, malice, superst.i.tion, and atheism, would seem at times to have felt the need of the a.s.sistance of a higher power. If Catharine was not dissembling even in her most confidential letters to her daughter, it was in some such frame of mind that she recommended Isabella to pray to G.o.d for protection against the misfortunes that had befallen her mother. The letter is so interesting that I must lay the most characteristic pa.s.sage under the reader's eye. The date is unfortunately lost. It was written soon after Charles's accession: "Pour se, ma fille, m'amye, recommende-vous bien a Dyeu, car vous m'aves veue ausi contente come vous, ne pensent jeames avoyr aultre tryboulatyon que de n'estre ases aymaye a mon gre du roy vostre pere, qui m'onoret pluls que je ne merites, mes je l'ayme tant que je aves tousjour peur, come vous saves fayrement ases: et Dyeu me l'a haulte, et ne se contente de sela, m'a haulte vostre frere que je ayme come vous saves, et m'a laysee aveque troys enfans petys, et en heun reaume (un royaume) tout dyvyse, n'y ayent heum seul a qui je me puise du tout fyer, qui n'aye quelque pasion partycoulyere." G.o.d alone, she goes on to say, can maintain her happiness, etc. Negociations, etc., 781, 782.]

[Footnote 984: "C'est folie d'esperer paix, repos et amitie entre les personnes qui sont de diverses religions.... Deux Francois et Anglois qui sont d'une mesme religion, ont plus d'affection et d'amitie entre eux que deux citoyens d'une mesme ville, subjects a un mesme seigneur, qui seroyent de diverses religions." La Place, p. 85; Histoire eccles., i. 264.]

[Footnote 985: Yet the Huguenots, more enlightened than the chancellor, while not renouncing the notion that the civil magistrate is bound to maintain the true religion, justly censured L'Hospital's statements as refuted by the experience of the greater part of the world. "Disaient davantage, qu'a la verite, puisqu'il n'y a qu'une vraye religion a laquelle tous, pet.i.te et grands, doivent viser, le magistrat doit sur toutes choses pourvoir a ce qu'elle seule soit avouee et gardee aux pays de sa sujettion; mais ils niaient que de la il fallut conclure qu'amitie aucune ni paix ne put etre entre sujets de diverses religions, se pouvant verifier le contraire tant par raisons peremptoires, que par experience du temps pa.s.se et present en la plupart du monde." Histoire eccles., i. 268.]

[Footnote 986: "Ostons ces mots diaboliques, noms de parts, factions et seditions; _lutheriens_, _huguenauds_, _papistes_; ne changeons le nom de _chrestien_." La Place, p. 87.]

[Footnote 987: The chancellor's address is given _in extenso_ in Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la religion et republique pp.

80-88; and in the Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i. 257-268. De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 3-7. "Habuit longam orationem Cancellarius," says Beza, "in qua initio quidem pulchre multa de antiquo regni statu disseruit, sed mox _aulic.u.m suum ingenium_ prodidit." Letter to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, Baum, Theod. Beza, ii. App., 19. Prof. Baum has shown (vol. ii., p. 159, note) that this last a.s.sertion is fully borne out by portions of the speech, even when viewed quite independently of the impatience naturally felt by a Huguenot when an enlightened statesman undertook to sail a middle course where justice was so evidently on one side. I refer, for instance, to that extraordinary pa.s.sage in which L'Hospital speaks of the treatment to which the Protestants had hitherto been subjected as _so gentle_, "qu'il semble plus correction paternelle que punition. Il n'y a eu ni portes forcees, ny murailles de villes abbattues, ni maisons bruslees, ny privileges ostes aux villes, commes les princes voisins ont faict de nostre temps en pareils troubles et seditions." La Place, _ubi supra_, p. 87. See other points specified in Histoire eccles., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 988: La Place, 88.]

[Footnote 989: Ib., 79; Hist. eccles., i. 269, 270; Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, _ubi supra_: "quam ipsius audaciam c.u.m n.o.bilitas et plebs magno c.u.m fremitu repulisset, indignatus ille ne suae quidem Ecclesiae patrocinium suscipere voluit."]

[Footnote 990: This was on the 1st day of Jan., 1561: "Habuerunt hi singuli suas orationes publice, sedente rege et delecto ipsius concilio, Calendis Januarii." Letter of Beza, _ubi supra_, p. 20.]

[Footnote 991: All previous legislation appears to have proved fruitless. "Wheresoever the carcase is, there will the eagles be gathered together." It was all in vain to endeavor to confine the gay and aspiring ecclesiastics to the provinces, so long as promotion was only to be found at Paris and worldly pleasures in the large cities. An edict of 1557, enjoining residence, Haton tells us, had little effect.

It was obeyed only by the poorest and most obscure of the curates, and by them only for a short time. The great were not able to observe it, if they would. How could they? They could not have told on which benefice to reside, for they held many. "Ung homme seul tenoit un archevesche, un evesche et trois abbayes tout ensemble; ung aultre deux ou trois cures, avec aultant de prieurez, le tout par permission et dispense du pape....

_Et pour ce ne scavoient auquel desditz benefices ilz debvoient resider._" Mem. de Claude Haton, i. 91.]

[Footnote 992: La Place, Commentaries, 89-93; De Thou, iii. (liv.

xxvii.) 8-10, Hist. eccles., i. 277-279.]

[Footnote 993: La Place, Commentaires, 89; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 8-10; Hist. eccles., i. 277, 279. None of these authors give more than a very imperfect sketch of L'Ange's harangue. Beza, in the letter more than once referred to above, says: "n.o.bilitatem ferunt valde fort.i.ter et libere locutam, sed plebs imprimis graviter et copiose disseruit de rerum omnium perturbatione, de intolerabili quorundam potentia, etc....

adeo ut omnes audientes valde permoverit." Baum, Theod. Beza, ii., App., 20, 21.]

[Footnote 994: "Quasi noyes de telles trop frequentes inondations des infectees lagunes de Geneve." The mention of the heretical capital requires an apology on the part of our pious orator, and he adds in Latin, after the fas.h.i.+on of other parts of his mongrel address: "Desplicet aures vestras et os meum fda.s.se vocabulo tam probroso, sed ex ecclesiarum praescripto cogor." La Place, 101.]

[Footnote 995: "Encores, Sire, vous supplierons-nous tres-humblement pour ce tant bon et tant obeissant peuple francois, duquel Dieu (vostre pere et le leur aussi) vous a faict seigneur et roy; prenez en pitie, sire, et soublevez un peu les charges que des long temps ils portent patiemment. Pour Dieu, sire, ne permettez que ce tiers pied de vostre throne soit aucunement foule, meurtry ny brise." La Place, 108.]