History of the Rise of the Huguenots Volume II Part 9

[118] April 17th. Mem. de Conde, iii. 281-284.

[119] May 15th and 16th, Mem. de Conde, iii. 284-287.

[120] Froude, History of England, vii. 404.

[121] Throkmorton to the queen, April 1, 1562, State Paper Office.

[122] Cecil to Mundt, March 22, 1562, State Paper Office.

[123] Wm. Hawes to Throkmorton, July 15, 1562, State Paper Office.

[124] Hist. eccles., iii. 143-145; De Thou, iii. 233, 234.

[125] Almost all the members of Conde's council favored a call upon the German Protestant princes for prompt support. But "the admiral broke off this plan of theirs, saying that he would prefer to die rather than consent that those of the religion should be the first to bring foreign troops into France." It was, therefore, concluded to send two gentlemen to Germany, to remain there until the conclusion of the war, in order to explain the position of the Huguenots. Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii.

23.

[126] Mem. de Conde, i. 79, 80. Cf. Baum, ii., App., 177.

[127] Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 14; Mem. de Conde, i. 81-83, and iii. 256; De Thou, iii. 143.

[128] "Que sans sa venue a Paris, il fust arrive vers les Pasques, plus de quinze centz chevaulx de tous costez du royaume, pour saccager la ville,"

etc. Response a la Declaration que faict le Prince de Conde, etc. Mem. de Conde, iii. 242.

[129] Mem. de Conde, iii. 388-391; Hist, eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 30, 31; Jean de Serres, ii. 63; De Thou, iii. 152.

[130] J. de Serres, ii. 112-117; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 27-29; Mem. de Conde, iii. 392, 393; De Thou, iii. 153, 154.

[131] Jean de Serres, ii. 118-150; Mem. de Conde, iii. 395-416; Hist.

eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 32-46; De Thou, iii. 154-157. It is incredible that, as De Thou suggests, this answer should have been penned by Montluc, Bishop of Valence. On the other hand, it bears every mark of having proceeded from the pen of that learned, eloquent, and sprightly writer, Theodore Beza. As a literary production it fully deserves the warm encomium pa.s.sed upon it by Professor Baum: "It is a masterpiece in respect both to the arrangement and to the treatment of the matter; and, with its truly Demosthenian strength, may, with confidence, be placed by the side of the most eloquent pa.s.sages to which the French language can point."

Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 642.

[132] J. de Serres, ii. 93, etc.; De Thou, iii. 158. See the acts of the third National Synod in Aymon, Tous les Synodes, i. 23-31. The Second National synod had been held at Poitiers, on the tenth of March, 1561. Its acts are in Aymon, i. 13-22.

[133] J. de Serres, ii. 170; De Thou, iii. 160; Jehan de la Fosse, 50; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref. ii. 47.

[134] De Thou, iii. 160.

[135] Journal de Bruslart, Memoires de Conde, i. 87; Claude Haton, i. 284; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref. ii. 48.

[136] See the prince's affectionate letter to Antoine, June 13th, Hist.

eccles. des egl. ref. ii. 49; De Thou, _ubi supra_; J. de Serres, ii. 156.

[137] Mem. de Guise, 495.

[138] It was in the presence of seven knights of the order of St. Michael, of the secretaries of state, etc. See Conde's long remonstrance against the judgment of the Parisian parliament, Aug. 8, 1562. Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 71; Mem. de Conde, iii. 587.

[139] Unlucky Bishop Montluc has received the doubtful credit of having laid this pretty snare for the Huguenot chiefs, but with what reason it is beyond my ability to conjecture. The same brain could scarcely have indited the bitter reply to the pet.i.tion of the triumvirs, and devised the cunning project of entangling their opponents. Evidently the Bishop of Valence has received some honors to which he is not ent.i.tled.

[140] Mem. de Guise, 494; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 59.

"Conclusion," says the duke in his confidence in the success of his project, "la religion reformee, en nous conduisant et tenant bon, comme nous ferons jusques au bout, s'en va aval l'eau, et les admiraux, mal ce qui est possible: toutes nos forces entierement demeurent, les leurs rompues, les villes rendues sans parler d'edits ne de presches et administration de sacremens a leur mode." A memorandum of eight articles from the triumvirs to Navarre, seized at the same time, showed the intention to arrest the Prince of Conde. Ib., ii. 60.

[141] J. de Serres, ii. 170-180; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., _ubi supra_; De Thou, iii. 164-168. Harangue of Bishop Spifame to the emperor, Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mem. de Castelnau, ii. 28-38. Memoires de Jehan de l'Archevesque, Sieur de Soubise, Bulletin, xxiii. (1874) 460, 461.

[142] La Noue, c. v., p. 597; De Thou, iii. 168, 169, etc.

[143] J. de Serres, ii. 180; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 61, 62.

[144] Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 62; La Noue, c. iv.

[145] La Noue, c. vii., p. 600. "Ledict seigneur prince de Conde," says Jean Glaumeau of Bourges, in his journal, "voyant qu'il ne pouvoit avoir raison avec son ennemy et qu'il ne le pouvoit rencontrer, ayant une armee de viron trente ou quarante milles hommes, de peur qu'ilz n'adura.s.sent (endura.s.sent) fain ou soif, commence a les separer et envoya en ceste ville de Bourges, tant de cheval que de pied, viron quatre milles, et y arriverent le samedi xie jour de juillet." Bulletin, v. (1857) 387.

[146] Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 61.

[147] "Si celle-cy y faut, nous ferons la croix a la cheminee." Mem. de la Noue, c. vi. 598, 599.

[148] The author of the Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 61, regards the failure of the confederates promptly to put to the death--as Admiral Coligny and others had insisted upon their doing--a Baron de Courtenay, who had outraged a village girl, and their placing him under a guard from which he succeeded in making his escape, as "the door, so to speak, through which Satan entered the camp."

[149] De Thou, iii. 171.

[150] Abbe Bruslart, Mem. de Conde, i. 90; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 66; Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 52. The latter erroneously calls it an edict "de par le roi;" but certainly gives the essence of the order according to the popular estimate when he says "qu'il estoit permis au peuple de tuer tout huguenot qu'il trouveroit, d'ou vint qu'il y en eust en la ville de Paris plusieurs tues et jetes en l'eau."

[151] Mem. de Conde, i. 91. Text of arret of July 13th, ib., iii. 544; of arret of July 17th, ib., iii. 547. Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., _ubi supra_; Recordon, p. 108.

[152] Nicholas Pithou has left in his MSS., which, unfortunately, have not yet been published entire, a thrilling narrative of the savage excesses committed partly by the authorities of Troyes, partly by the soldiers and the rabble, under their eyes and with their approval. There is nothing more abominable in the annals of crime than what was committed at this time with the connivance of the ministers of law. The story of the sufferings of Pithou's sister, Madame de Valentigny, will be found of special interest. See Recordon, 107-129.

[153] Mem. de Conde, i. 91, and Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., _ubi supra_.

J. de la Fosse, 53, 54, "pour huguenoterye." Even with these judicial executions the people interfered, cutting off the heads of the victims, using them for footb.a.l.l.s, and finally burning them. The contemptuous disobedience of the _people_ of Paris and their cruelty are frequent topics touched upon in Throkmorton's correspondence. He acknowledges himself to be afraid, because of "the daily despites, injuries, and threatenings put in use towards him and his by the insolent, raging people." He sees that "neither the authority of the king, the queen mother, or any other person can be sanctuary" for him; for they "daily most cruelly kill every person (no age or s.e.x excepted) whom they take to be contrary to their religion, notwithstanding daily proclamations under pain of death to the contrary." He declares that the king and his mother are, "for their own safety, constrained to lie at Bois de Vincennes, not thinking good to commit themselves into the hands of the furious Parisians;" and that the Chancellor of France, "being the most sincere man of this prince's council," is in as great fear of his life as Throkmorton himself, being lodged hard by the Bois de Vincennes, where he has the protection of the king's guards; and yet even there he has been threatened with a visit from the Parisians, and with being killed in his own house.

See both of Throkmorton's despatches to the queen, of August 5, 1562, State Paper Office. One of them is printed in Forbes, ii. 7, etc.

[154] Mem. de Conde, i. 91-93; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., _ubi supra_; De Thou, iii. 192, 193; J. de La Fosse, 54.

[155] It appears from a letter of the Nuncio Santa Croce (April 29th), that, as early as two months before, the court flattered itself with the hope of deriving great advantages from excluding Conde from the ban, and affecting to regard him as a prisoner (Aymon, i. 152, and Cimber et Danjou, vi. 91). "Con che pensano," he adds, "di quietar buona parte del popolo, che non sentendo parlar di religione, e parendoli ancora che la guerra si faccia per la liberatione del Principe de Conde, stara a vedere."

[156] "The byshopp off Rome hathe lent these hys cheampions and frends on hundrethe thousand crowns, and dothe pay monthely besyds six thousand sowldiers." Throkmorton to the Council, July 27, 1562, Forbes, State Papers, ii. 5.

[157] De Thou, iii. 191, etc.; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., ii. 64, etc.

[158] The number was, in fact, only about 15,000 foot and 3,000 horse, according to De Thou, iii. 198.

[159] Although Coligny captured six cannon and over forty wagons of powder, he was compelled reluctantly to destroy, or render useless, and abandon munitions of war of which he stood in great need; for the enemy had taken the precaution to kill or drive away the horses, and the wagons could not be dragged to Orleans, a distance of over twenty miles. It happened that Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, whose instructive correspondence furnishes so lucid a commentary upon the events from 1559 to 1563, was travelling under escort of the royal train, to take leave of Charles IX.

at Bourges. In the unexpected a.s.sault of the Huguenots he was stripped of his money and baggage, and even his despatches. Under these circ.u.mstances he thought it necessary to accompany Coligny to Orleans. Catharine, who knew well Throkmorton's sympathy with the Protestants, and hated him heartily ("Yt is not th' Amba.s.sador of Englande," he had himself written only a few days earlier, "which ys so greatlye stomackyd and hatyd in this countreye, but yt ys the persone of Nicholas Throkmorton," Forbes, ii.

33), would have it that he had purposely thrown himself into the hands of the Huguenots. His confidential correspondence with Queen Elizabeth does not bear out the charge. Despatch from Orleans, Sept. 9, 1562, Forbes, State Papers, ii. 36, etc. Catharine a.s.sured Sir Thomas Smith, on his arrival at court as English amba.s.sador, that she wished he had been sent before, instead of Throkmorton, "for they took him here to be the author of all these troubles," declaring that Throkmorton was never well but when he was making some broil, and that he was so "pa.s.sionate and affectionate"

on the Huguenots' side, that he cared not what trouble he made. Despatch of Smith, Rouen, Nov. 7, 1562, State Paper Office.

[160] Histoire eccles., ii. 296-306 (the terms of capitulation, ii. 304, 305); Mem. de Castelnau, liv. iii., c. xi. (who maintains they were implicitly observed); Throkmorton, in Forbes, State Papers, ii. 41; Davila, bk. iii., p. 71; De Thou, iii. 198, 199. "Bituriges turpiter a duce praesidii proditi sese dediderunt, optimis quidem conditionibus, sed quas biduo post perfidiosissimus hostis infregit." Beza to Bullinger, Sept. 24, 1562, Baum, ii., Appendix, 194. M. Bourquelot has published a graphic account of the capture of Bourges in May, by the Huguenots, under Montgomery, and of the siege in August, from the MS. Journal of Jean Glaumeau, in the National Library (Bulletin de l'hist. du prot. fr., v.

387-389). M. L. Lacour reprints in the same valuable periodical (v.

516-518) a contemporary hymn of some merit, "Sur la prise de Bourges." We are told that a proverb is even now current in Berry, not a little flattering to the Huguenot rule it recalls:

"L'an mil cinq cent soixante et deux Bourges n'avoit pretres ny gueux." (Ibid., v. 389.)