The Letters of Cicero Part 11

with you as their standard-bearer and leader, has deserted the senate, and since our leading men think themselves in a seventh heaven, if there are bearded mullets in their fish-ponds that will come to hand for food, and neglect everything else, do not you think that I am doing no mean service if I secure that those who have the power, should not have the will, to do any harm? As for our friend Cato, you do not love him more than I do: but after all, with the very best intentions and the most absolute honesty, he sometimes does harm to the Republic. He speaks and votes as though he were in the Republic of Plato, not in the sc.u.m of Romulus. What could be fairer than that a man should be brought to trial who has taken a bribe for his verdict? Cato voted for this: the senate agreed with him. The equites declared war on the senate, not on me, for I voted against it. What could be a greater piece of impudence than the equites renouncing the obligations of their contract? Yet for the sake of keeping the friends.h.i.+p of the order it was necessary to submit to the loss. Cato resisted and carried his point. Accordingly, though we have now had the spectacle of a consul thrown into prison,[157] of riots again and again stirred up, not one of those moved a finger to help, with whose support I and the consuls that immediately followed me were accustomed to defend the Republic. "Well, but," say you, "are we to pay them for their support?" What are we to do if we can't get it on any other terms? Are we to be slaves to freedmen or even slaves? But, as you say, _a.s.sez de serieux!_ Favonius[158] carried my tribe with better credit than his own; he lost that of Lucceius. His accusation of Nasica[159] was not creditable, but was conducted with moderation: he spoke so badly that he appeared when in Rhodes to have ground at the mills more than at the lessons of Molon.[160] He was somewhat angry with me because I appeared for the defence: however, he is now making up to me again on public grounds. I will write you word how Lucceius is getting on when I have seen Caesar, who will be here in a couple of days.

The injury done you by the Sicyonians you attribute to Cato and his imitator Servilius.[161] Why? did not that blow reach many excellent citizens? But since the senate has so determined, let us commend it, and not be in a minority of one.[162] My "Amaltheia"[163] is waiting and longing for you. My Tusculan and Pompeian properties please me immensely, except that they have overwhelmed me--me, the scourge of debt!--not exactly in Corinthian bronze, but in the bronze which is current in the market.[164] In Gaul I hope peace is restored. My "Prognostics,"[165] along with my poor speeches, expect shortly. Yet write and tell me what your ideas are as to returning. For Pomponia sent a message to me that you would be at Rome some time in July. That does not agree with your letter which you wrote to me about your name being put on the census roll. Paetus, as I have already told you, has presented me with all books left by his brother. This gift of his depends upon your seeing to it with care. Pray, if you love me, take measures for their preservation and transmission to me. You could do me no greater favour, and I want the Latin books preserved with as much care as the Greek. I shall look upon them as virtually a present from yourself. I have written to Octavius:[166] I had not said anything to him about you by word of mouth; for I did not suppose that you carried on your business in that province, or look upon you in the light of general money-lender: but I have written, as in duty bound, with all seriousness.

[Footnote 144: Nep. _Att._ c. 18.]

[Footnote 145: Atticus seems to have seen a copy belonging to some one else at Corfu. Cicero explains that he had kept back Atticus's copy for revision.]

[Footnote 146: Cicero evidently intends Atticus to act as a publisher.

His _librarii_ will make copies. See p. 32, note 1.]

[Footnote 147: The pa.s.sage in brackets is believed by some, not on very good grounds, to be spurious. Otho is L. Roscius Otho, the author of the law as to the seats in the theatre of the equites. The "proscribed" are those proscribed by Sulla, their sons being forbidden to hold office, a disability which Cicero maintained for fear of civil disturbances. See _in Pis._ ---- 4-5.]

[Footnote 148: Pulch.e.l.lus, _i.e._, P. Clodius Pulcher, the diminutive of contempt.]

[Footnote 149: Where he had been as quaestor. Hera is said to be another name for Hybla. Some read _heri_, "only yesterday."]

[Footnote 150: Clodius is shewing off his modesty. It was usual for persons returning from a province to send messengers in front, and to travel deliberately, that their friends might pay them the compliment of going out to meet them. Entering the city after nightfall was another method of avoiding a public reception. See Suet. _Aug._ 53.]

[Footnote 151: See p. 37, note 3.]

[Footnote 152: Clodia, wife of the consul Metellus. See p. 22, note.]

[Footnote 153: We don't know who this is; probably a _cavaliere servente_ of Clodia's.]

[Footnote 154: _I.e._, in the business of her brother Clodius's attempt to get the tribunes.h.i.+p.]

[Footnote 155: Though Caesar has been mentioned before in regard to his candidature for the consuls.h.i.+p, and in connexion with the Clodius case, this is the first reference to him as a statesman. He is on the eve of his return from Spain, and already is giving indication of his coalition with Pompey. His military success in Spain first clearly demonstrated his importance.]

[Footnote 156: During the meeting of the senate at the time of the Catilinarian conspiracy (2 _Phil._ -- 16).]

[Footnote 157: The consul Caecilius Metellus was imprisoned by the tribune Flavius for resisting his land law (Dio, x.x.xvii. 50).]

[Footnote 158: M. Favonius, an extreme Optimate. _Ille Catonis aemulus_ (Suet. _Aug._ 13). He had a bitter tongue, but a faithful heart (Plut.

_Pomp._ 60, 73; Vell. ii 73). He did not get the praetors.h.i.+p (which he was now seeking) till B.C. 49. He was executed after Philippi (Dio. 47, 49).]

[Footnote 159: P. Scipio Nasica Metellus Pius, the future father-in-law of Pompey, who got the praetors.h.i.+p, was indicted for _ambitus_ by Favonius.]

[Footnote 160: ?p???????? ????? of Alabanda taught rhetoric at Rhodes.

Cicero had himself attended his lectures. He puns on the name Molon and _molae_, "mill at which slaves worked."]

[Footnote 161: See pp. 57, 60.]

[Footnote 162: Reading _discessionibus_, "divisions in the senate," with Manutius and Tyrrell, not _dissentionibus_; and _deinde ne_, but not _st_ for _si_.]

[Footnote 163: His study, which he playfully calls by this name, in imitation of that of Atticus. See p. 30.]

[Footnote 164: See Letter XV, p. 25.]

[Footnote 165: His translation of the _Prognostics_ of Aratus.]

[Footnote 166: Gaius Octavius, father of Augustus, governor of Macedonia.]

XXVII (A II, 2)

TO ATTICUS (ON HIS WAY TO ROME)

TUSCULUM (DECEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 60, aeT. 46]

Take care of my dear nephew Cicero, I beg of you. I seem to share his illness. I am engaged on the "Const.i.tution of Pellene," and, by heaven, have piled up a huge heap of Dicaearchus at my feet.[167] What a great man! You may learn much more from him than from Procilius. His "Const.i.tution of Corinth" and "Const.i.tution of Athens" I have, I think, at Rome. Upon my word, you will say, if you read these, "What a remarkable man!" Herodes, if he had any sense, would have read him rather than write a single letter himself.[168] He has attacked me by letter; with you I see he has come to close quarters. I would have joined a conspiracy rather than resisted one, if I had thought that I should have to listen to him as my reward. As to Lollius, you must be mad. As to the wine, I think you are right.[169] But look here! Don't you see that the Kalends are approaching, and no Antonius?[170] That the jury is being empanelled? For so they send me word. That Nigidius[171]

threatens in public meeting that he will personally cite any juror who does not appear? However, I should be glad if you would write me word whether you have heard anything about the return of Antonius; and since you don't mean to come here, dine with me in any case on the 29th. Mind you do this, and take care of your health.

[Footnote 167: The roll being unwound as he read and piled on the ground. Dicaearchus of Messene, a contemporary of Aristotle, wrote on "Const.i.tutions" among other things. Procilius seems also to have written on polities.]

[Footnote 168: Herodes, a teacher at Athens, afterwards tutor to young Cicero. He seems to have written on Cicero's consuls.h.i.+p.]

[Footnote 169: These remarks refer to something in Atticus's letter.]

[Footnote 170: Gaius Antonius, about to be prosecuted for _maiestas_ on his return from Macedonia.]

[Footnote 171: P. Nigidius Figulus, a tribune (which dates the letter after the 10th of December). The tribunes had no right of summons (_vocatio_), they must personally enforce their commands.]

XXVIII (A II, 3)

TO ATTICUS (ON HIS WAY TO ROME)

ROME (DECEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 60, aeT. 46]

First, I have good news for you, as I think. Valerius has been acquitted. Hortensius was his counsel. The verdict is thought to have been a favour to Aulus's son; and "Epicrates,"[172] I suspect, has been up to some mischief. I didn't like his boots and his white leggings.[173] What it is I shall know when you arrive. When you find fault with the narrow windows, let me tell you that you are criticising the Cyropaedeia.[174] For when I made the same remark, Cyrus used to answer that the views of the gardens through broad lights were not so pleasant. For let a be the eye, ? the object seen, d and e the rays ...

you see the rest.[175] For if sight resulted from the impact of images,[176] the images would be in great difficulties with a narrow entrance: but, as it is, that "effusion" of rays gets on quite nicely.

If you have any other fault to find you won't get off without an answer, unless it is something that can be put right without expense.

I now come to January and my "political att.i.tude," in which, after the manner of the Socratics, I shall put the two sides; at the end, however, as they were wont to do, the one which I approve. It is, indeed, a matter for profound reflexion. For I must either firmly oppose the agrarian law--which will involve a certain struggle, but a struggle full of glory--or I must remain altogether pa.s.sive, which is about equivalent to retiring to Solonium[177] or Antium; or, lastly, I must actually a.s.sist the bill, which I am told Caesar fully expects from me without any doubt. For Cornelius has been with me (I mean Cornelius Balbus,[178]

Caesar's intimate), and solemnly a.s.sured me that he meant to avail himself of my advice and Pompey's in everything, and intended to endeavour to reconcile Cra.s.sus with Pompey.[179] In this last course there are the following advantages: a very close union with Pompey, and, if I choose, with Caesar also; a reconciliation with my political enemies, peace with the common herd, ease for my old age. But the conclusion of the third book of my own poem has a strong hold on me:

"Meanwhile the tenor of thy youth's first spring, Which still as consul thou with all thy soul And all thy manhood heldest, see thou keep, And swell the chorus of all good men's praise."[180]

These verses Calliope herself dictated to me in that book, which contains much written in an "aristocratic" spirit, and I cannot, therefore, doubt that I shall always hold that