The Letters of Cicero Part 28

Lx.x.xIX (A IV, 1)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 57, aeT. 49]

Directly I arrived at Rome, and there was anyone to whom I could safely intrust a letter for you, I thought the very first thing I ought to do was to congratulate you in your absence on my return. For I knew, to speak candidly, that though in giving me advice you had not been more courageous or far-seeing than myself, nor--considering my devotion to you in the past--too careful in protecting me from disaster, yet that you--though sharing in the first instance in my mistake, or rather madness, and in my groundless terror--had nevertheless been deeply grieved at our separation, and had bestowed immense pains, zeal, care, and labour in securing my return. Accordingly, I can truly a.s.sure you of this, that in the midst of supreme joy and the most gratifying congratulations, the one thing wanting to fill my cup of happiness to the brim is the sight of you, or rather your embrace; and if I ever forfeit that again, when I have once got possession of it, and if, too, I do not exact the full delights of your charming society that have fallen into arrear in the past, I shall certainly consider myself unworthy of this renewal of my good fortune.

In regard to my political position, I have resumed what I thought there would be the utmost difficulty in recovering--my brilliant standing at the bar, my influence in the senate, and a popularity with the loyalists even greater than I desired. In regard, however, to my private property--as to which you are well aware to what an extent it has been crippled, scattered, and plundered--I am in great difficulties, and stand in need, not so much of your means (which I look upon as my own), as of your advice for collecting and restoring to a sound state the fragments that remain. For the present, though I believe everything finds its way to you in the letters of your friends, or even by messengers and rumour, yet I will write briefly what I think you would like to learn from my letters above all others. On the 4th of August I started from Dyrrachium, the very day on which the law about me was carried. I arrived at Brundisium on the 5th of August. There my dear Tulliola met me on what was her own birthday, which happened also to be the name-day of the colony of Brundisium and of the temple of Safety, near your house. This coincidence was noticed and celebrated with warm congratulations by the citizens of Brundisium. On the 8th of August, while still at Brundisium, I learnt by a letter from Quintus that the law had been pa.s.sed at the _comitia centuriata_ with a surprising enthusiasm on the part of all ages and ranks, and with an incredible influx of voters from Italy. I then commenced my journey, amidst the compliments of the men of highest consideration at Brundisium, and was met at every point by legates bearing congratulations. My arrival in the neighbourhood of the city was the signal for every soul of every order known to my nomenclator coming out to meet me, except those enemies who could not either dissemble or deny the fact of their being such. On my arrival at the Porta Capena, the steps of the temples were already thronged from top to bottom[378] by the populace; and while their congratulations were displayed by the loudest possible applause, a similar throng and similar applause accompanied me right up to the Capitol, and in the forum and on the Capitol itself there was again a wonderful crowd. Next day, in the senate, that is, the 5th of September, I spoke my thanks to the senators. Two days after that--there having been a very heavy rise in the price of corn, and great crowds having flocked first to the theatre and then to the senate-house, shouting out, at the instigation of Clodius, that the scarcity of corn was my doing--meetings of the senate being held on those days to discuss the corn question, and Pompey being called upon to undertake the management of its supply in the common talk not only of the plebs, but of the aristocrats also, and being himself desirous of the commission, when the people at large called upon me by name to support a decree to that effect, I did so, and gave my vote in a carefully-worded speech. The other consulars, except Messalla and Afranius, having absented themselves on the ground that they could not vote with safety to themselves, a decree of the senate was pa.s.sed in the sense of my motion, namely, that Pompey should be appealed to to undertake the business, and that a law should be proposed to that effect. This decree of the senate having been publicly read, and the people having, after the senseless and new-fangled custom that now prevails, applauded the mention of my name,[379] I delivered a speech. All the magistrates present, except one praetor and two tribunes, called on me to speak.[380] Next day a full senate, including all the consulars, granted everything that Pompey asked for. Having demanded fifteen legates, he named me first in the list, and said that he should regard me in all things as a second self.

The consuls drew up a law by which complete control over the corn-supply for five years throughout the whole world was given to Pompey. A second law is drawn up by Messius,[381] granting him power over all money, and adding a fleet and army, and an _imperium_ in the provinces superior to that of their governors. After that our consular law seems moderate indeed: that of Messius is quite intolerable. Pompey professes to prefer the former; his friends the latter. The consulars led by Favonius murmur: I hold my tongue, the more so that the pontifices have as yet given no answer in regard to my house.[382] If they annul the consecration I shall have a splendid site. The consuls, in accordance with a decree of the senate, will value the cost of the building that stood upon it; but if the pontifices decide otherwise, they will pull down the Clodian building, give out a contract in their own name (for a temple), and value to me the cost of a site and house. So our affairs are

"For happy though but ill, for ill not worst."[383]

In regard to money matters I am, as you know, much embarra.s.sed. Besides, there are certain domestic troubles, which I do not intrust to writing.

My brother Quintus I love as he deserves for his eminent qualities of loyalty, virtue, and good faith. I am longing to see you, and beg you to hasten your return, resolved not to allow me to be without the benefit of your advice. I am on the threshold, as it were, of a second life.

Already certain persons who defended me in my absence begin to nurse a secret grudge at me now that I am here, and to make no secret of their jealousy. I want you very much.

[Footnote 378: Reading _ab infimo_.]

[Footnote 379: As backing the decree. The phrase was _aderat scribendo M. Tullius Cicero_, etc.]

[Footnote 380: _Dederunt_, _i.e._, _contionem_; lit. gave me a meeting, _i.e._, the right of addressing the meeting, which only magistrates or those introduced by magistrates could do.]

[Footnote 381: C. Messius, a tribune of the year.]

[Footnote 382: Clodius had consecrated the site of Cicero's house for a temple of Liberty. The pontifices had to decide whether that consecration held good, or whether the site might be restored to Cicero.

Hence his speech _de Domo sua ad Pontifices_.]

[Footnote 383: The origin of the Latin line is not known. The English is Milton's, _P. L._ ii. 224.]

XC (A IV, 2)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME (OCTOBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 57, aeT. 49]

If by any chance you get letters less frequently from me than from others, I beg you not to put it down to my negligence, or even to my engagements; for though they are very heavy, there can be none sufficient to stop the course of our mutual affection and of the attention I owe to you. The fact is that, since my return to Rome, this is only the second time that I have been told of anyone to whom I could deliver a letter, and accordingly this is my second letter to you. In my former I described the reception I had on my return, what my political position was, and how my affairs were.

"For happy though but ill, for ill not worst."

The despatch of that letter was followed by a great controversy about my house. I delivered a speech before the pontifices on the 29th of September. I pleaded my cause with care, and if I ever was worth anything as a speaker, or even if I never was on any other occasion, on this one at any rate my indignation at the business, and the importance of it, did add a certain vigour to my style.[384] Accordingly, the rising generation must not be left without the benefit of this speech, which I shall send you all the same, even if you don't want it.[385] The decree of the pontifices was as follows: "If neither by order of the people nor vote of the plebs the party alleging that he had dedicated had been appointed by name to that function, nor by order of the people or vote of the plebs had been commanded to do so, we are of opinion that the part of the site in question may be restored to M. Tullius without violence to religion." Upon this I was at once congratulated--for no one doubted that my house was thereby adjudged to me--when all on a sudden that fellow mounts the platform to address a meeting, invited to speak by Appius,[386] and announces at once to the people that the pontifices had decided in his favour,[387] but that I was endeavouring to take forcible possession; he exhorts them to follow himself and Appius to defend their own shrine of Liberty.[388] Hereupon, when even those credulous hearers partly wondered and partly laughed at the fellow's mad folly, I resolved not to go near the place until such time as the consuls by decree of the senate had given out the contract for restoring the colonnade of Catulus.[389] On the 1st of October there was a full meeting of the senate. All the pontifices who were senators were invited to attend, and Marcellinus,[390] who is a great admirer of mine, being called on to speak first, asked them what was the purport of their decree. Then M. Lucullus, speaking for all his colleagues, answered that the pontifices were judges of a question of religion, the senate of the validity of a law: that he and his colleagues had given a decision on a point of religion; in the senate they would with the other senators decide on the law. Accordingly, each of them, when asked in their proper order for their opinion, delivered long arguments in my favour. When it came to Clodius's turn, he wished to talk out the day, and he went on endlessly; however, after he had spoken for nearly three hours, he was forced by the loud expression of the senate's disgust to finish his speech at last. On the decree in accordance with the proposal of Marcellinus pa.s.sing the senate against a minority of one, Serra.n.u.s interposed his veto.[391] At once both consuls referred the question of Serra.n.u.s's veto to the senate. After some very resolute speeches had been delivered--"that it was the decision of the senate that the house should be restored to me": "that a contract should be given out for the colonnade of Catulus": "that the resolution of the house should be supported by all the magistrates": "that if any violence occurred, the senate would consider it to be the fault of the magistrate who vetoed the decree of the senate"--Serra.n.u.s became thoroughly frightened, and Cornicinus repeated his old farce: throwing off his toga, he flung himself at his son-in-law's feet.[392] The former demanded a night for consideration. They would not grant it: for they remembered the 1st of January. It was, however, at last granted with difficulty on my interposition. Next day the decree of the senate was pa.s.sed which I send you. Thereupon the consuls gave out a contract for the restoration of the colonnade of Catulus: the contractors immediately cleared that portico of his away to the satisfaction of all.[393] The buildings of my house the consuls, by the advice of their a.s.sessors, valued at 2,000,000 sesterces (about 16,000).[394] The rest was valued very stingily. My Tusculan villa at 500,000 sesterces (about 4,000): my villa at Formiae at 250,000 sesterces (about 2,000)--an estimate loudly exclaimed against not only by all the best men, but even by the common people. You will say, "What was the reason?" They for their part say it was my modesty--because I would neither say no, nor make any violent expostulation. But that is not the real cause: for that indeed in itself would have been in my favour.[395] But, my dear Pomponius, those very same men, I tell you, of whom you are no more ignorant than myself, having clipped my wings, are unwilling that they should grow again to their old size. But, as I hope, they are already growing again. Only come to me! But this, I fear, may be r.e.t.a.r.ded by the visit of your and my friend Varro. Having now heard the actual course of public business, let me inform you of what I have in my thoughts besides. I have allowed myself to be made _legatus_ to Pompey, but only on condition that nothing should stand in the way of my being entirely free either to stand, if I choose, for the censors.h.i.+p--if the next consuls hold a censorial election--or to a.s.sume a "votive commission" in connexion with nearly any fanes or sacred groves.[396] For this is what falls in best with our general policy and my particular occasions. But I wished the power to remain in my hands of _either_ standing for election, _or_ at the beginning of the summer of going out of town: and meanwhile I thought it not disadvantageous to keep myself before the eyes of the citizens who had treated me generously. Well, such are my plans in regard to public affairs; my domestic affairs are very intricate and difficult. My town house is being built: you know how much expense and annoyance the repair of my Formian villa occasions me, which I can neither bear to relinquish nor to look at. I have advertised my Tusculan property for sale; I don't much care for a suburban residence.[397] The liberality of friends has been exhausted in a business which brought me nothing but dishonour: and this you perceived though absent, as did others on the spot, by whose zeal and wealth I could easily have obtained all I wanted, had only my supporters allowed it.[398] In this respect I am now in serious difficulty. Other causes of anxiety are somewhat more of the _tacenda_ kind.[399] My brother and daughter treat me with affection. I am looking forward to seeing you.

[Footnote 384: The speech _de Domo sua ad Pontifices_. The genuineness of the existing speech has been doubted. But it may very well be said that no one but Cicero could have written it. It is not certainly one of his happiest efforts, in spite of what he says here; but he is not unaccustomed to estimate his speeches somewhat highly, and to mistake violence for vigour.]

[Footnote 385: He will send it to Atticus to get copied by his _librarii_, and published.]

[Footnote 386: Appius Claudius Pulcher, brother of P. Clodius, was a praetor this year.]

[Footnote 387: It is not clear that Clodius was wrong; the pontifices decided that for a valid consecration an order of the people was requisite, and, of course, Clodius could allege such an order. Cicero devoted the greater part of his speech, therefore, to shewing (1) that Clodius's adoption was invalid, and that he was therefore no tribune, and incapable of taking an order of the people; (2) that the law was a _privilegium_, and therefore invalid. The pontifices did not consider either of these points, which were not properly before them, or within their competence; they merely decided the religious question--that unless there had been a _iussus populi_ or _plebis scitus_ there was no valid consecration.]

[Footnote 388: Or perhaps only "statue of Liberty," as the temple was not yet completed.]

[Footnote 389: A portico or colonnade, built by Q. Catulus, the conqueror of the Cimbri, on the site of the house of M. Flaccus, who was killed with Saturninus in B.C. 100. It was close to Cicero's house, and what Clodius appears to have done was to pull down the portico, and build another, extending over part of Cicero's site, on which was to be a temple for his statue of Liberty.]

[Footnote 390: Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus was called on first as consul designate for B.C. 56.]

[Footnote 391: s.e.xt. Attilius Serra.n.u.s, a tribune. He had been a quaestor in Cicero's consuls.h.i.+p, but had opposed his recall.]

[Footnote 392: Cn. Oppius Cornicinus, the father-in-law of Serra.n.u.s, is said in _p. red. at Quir._ -- 13 to have done the same in the senate on the 1st of January, when Serra.n.u.s also went through the same form of "demanding a night" for consideration.]

[Footnote 393: Prof. Tyrrell brackets _portic.u.m_. But I do not understand his difficulty, especially as he saw none in the last letter.

Cicero (_de Domo_, -- 102) certainly implies that Clodius had, at any rate, partly pulled down the _porticus Catuli_, in order to build something on a larger scale, which was to take in some of Cicero's site.

This was now to come down, and so leave Cicero his _area_, and, I presume, the old _porticus Catuli_ was to be restored.]

[Footnote 394: Cicero had given Cra.s.sus 3,500,000 for it (about 28,000). See Letter XVI.]

[Footnote 395: _I.e._, my modest reserve. There does not seem any reason for Tyrrell's emendation of _num_ for _nam_.]

[Footnote 396: I have translated Klotz's text. That given by Prof.

Tyrrell is, to me at any rate, quite unintelligible. Cicero's _legatio_ under Pompey appears to have been, in fact, honorary, or _libera_, for he doesn't seem to have done anything. He wishes to reserve the right of resigning it to stand for the censors.h.i.+p (censors were elected in the following year), or of turning it into a _votiva legatio_, to visit certain sacred places on the plea of performing a vow, thus getting the opportunity, if he desired it, of retiring temporarily from Rome in a dignified manner. The force of _prope_ seems to be "almost any, I care not what." It was not likely that a man with his stormy past would do for the delicate duties of the censors.h.i.+p, and he would save appearances by going on a _votiva legatio_. See Letter XLIV.]

[Footnote 397: _Facile careo_, others read _non facile_, "I don't like being without a suburban residence."]

[Footnote 398: The thing which brought him "nothing but dishonour" was his quitting Rome, and the consequent expenses connected with winning over friends, or paying for Milo's bravoes to face those of Clodius. In the last part of the sentence he seems to mean that, had his supporters backed him properly, he would have got everything necessary to make good his losses from the liberality of the senate. Others explain that _defensores_ really means Pompey only.]

[Footnote 399: This and the omission of his wife in the next clause, as the similar hint at the end of the last letter, seem to point to some misunderstanding with Terentia, with whom, however, a final rupture was postponed for nearly twelve years (B.C. 46.)]

XCI (A IV, 3)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME, 24 NOVEMBER

[Sidenote: B.C. 57, aeT. 49]