The Letters of Cicero Part 46

CLIV (Q FR III, 5-6)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN GAUL)

TUSCULUM (OCTOBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, aeT. 52]

You ask me what I have done about the books which I begun to write when in my c.u.man villa: I have not been idle and am not being idle now; but I have frequently changed the whole plan and arrangement of the work. I had already completed two books, in which I represented a conversation taking place on the Novendialia held in the consuls.h.i.+p of Tudita.n.u.s and Aquilius,[669] between Africa.n.u.s, shortly before his death, and Laelius, Philus, Manilius, P. Rutilius, Q. Tubero, and Laelius's sons-in-law, Fannius and Scaevola; a conversation which was extended to nine days and the same number of books "On the best Const.i.tution of the State" and "On the best Citizen." The work was excellently composed, and the rank of the speakers added considerable weight to the style. But when these books were read to me in the presence of Sall.u.s.tius at Tusculum, it was suggested to me by him that a discourse on such subjects would come with much greater force if I were myself the speaker on the Republic, especially as I was a no mere Heraclides Ponticus,[670] but an ex-consul, and one who had been engaged in the most important affairs in the state: that when I put them in the mouth of men of such ancient date they would have an air of unreality: that I had shewn good taste in my books about the science of rhetoric in keeping the dialogue of the orators apart from myself, and yet had attributed it to men whom I had personally seen: and, finally, that Aristotle delivers in the first person his essays "On the Republic" and "On the Eminent Man." I was influenced the more by this from the fact that I was unable to touch on the most important commotions in our state, because they were subsequent to the age of the speakers. Moreover, my express object then was not to offend anyone by launching into the events of my own time: as it is, I shall avoid that and at the same time be the speaker with you.

Nevertheless, when I come to Rome I will send you the dialogues as they originally stood. For I fancy that those books will convince you that they have not been abandoned by me without some chagrin.

I am extremely gratified by Caesar's affection of which you write to me.

The offers which he holds out I do not much reckon on, nor have I any thirst for honours or longing for glory; and I look forward more to the continuation of his kindness than to the fulfilment of his promises.

Still, I live a life so prominent and laborious that I might seem to be expecting the very thing that I deprecate. As to your request that I should compose some verses, you could hardly believe, my dear brother, how short of time I am: nor do I feel much moved in spirit to write poetry on the subject you mention. Do you really come to me for disquisitions on things that I can scarcely conceive even in imagination--you who have distanced everybody in that style of vivid and descriptive writing? Yet I would have done it if I could, but, as you will a.s.suredly not fail to notice, for writing poetry there is need of a certain freshness of mind of which my occupations entirely deprive me. I withdraw myself, it is true, from all political anxiety and devote myself to literature; still, I will hint to you what, by heaven, I specially wished to have concealed from you. It cuts me to the heart, my dearest brother, to the heart, to think that there is no Republic, no law courts, and that my present time of life, which ought to have been in the full bloom of senatorial dignity, is distracted with the labours of the forum or eked out by private studies, and that the object on which from boyhood I had set my heart,

"Far to excel, and tower above the crowd,"[671]

is entirely gone: that my opponents have in some cases been left unattacked by me, in others even defended: that not only my sympathies, but my very dislikes, are not free: and that Caesar is the one man in the world who has been found to love me to my heart's content, or even, as others think, the only one who was inclined to do so. However, there is none of all these vexations of such a kind as to be beyond the reach of many daily consolations; but the greatest of consolations will be our being together. As it is, to those other sources of vexation there is added my very deep regret for your absence. If I had defended Gabinius, which Pansa thought I ought to have done, I should have been quite ruined: those who hate him--and that is entire orders--would have begun to hate me for the sake of their hatred for him. I confined myself, as I think with great dignity, to doing only that which all the world saw me do. And to sum up the whole case, I am, as you advise, devoting all my efforts to tranquillity and peace. As to the books: Tyrannio is a slow-coach: I will speak to Chrysippus, but it is a laborious business and requires a man of the utmost industry. I find it in my own case, for, though I am as diligent as possible, I get nothing done. As to the Latin books, I don't know which way to turn--they are copied and exposed for sale with such a quant.i.ty of errors! However, whatever can possibly be done I will not neglect to do. Gaius Rebilus, as I wrote to you before, is at Rome. He solemnly affirms his great obligations to you, and reports well of your health.[672] I think the question of the treasury was settled in my absence. When you speak of having finished four tragedies in sixteen days, I presume you are borrowing from some one else? And do _you_ deign to be indebted to others after writing the _Electra_, and the _Troades_? Don't be idle; and don't think the proverbial ????? sea?t?? was only meant to discourage vanity: it means also that we should be aware of our own qualities. But pray send me these tragedies as well as the _Erigona_. I have now answered your last two letters.

[Footnote 669: B.C. 129. The _Novendialia_ was a nine days' festival on the occasion of some special evil omens or prodigies; for an instance (in B.C. 202), see Livy, 30, 38. The book referred to is that "On the Republic."]

[Footnote 670: _I.e._, a mere theorist like Heraclides Ponticus, a pupil of Plato's, whose work "On Const.i.tutions" still exists.]

[Footnote 671: Hom. _Il._ vi. 208.]

[Footnote 672: Reading _qui omnia adiurat debere tibi et te valere renuntiat_. The text, however, is corrupt.]

CLV (Q FR III, 7)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN GAUL)

TUSCULUM (NOVEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, aeT. 52]

At Rome, and especially on the Appian road as far as the temple of Mars, there is a remarkable flood. The promenade of Cra.s.sipes has been washed away, pleasure grounds, a great number of shops. There is a great sheet of water right up to the public fish-pond. That doctrine of Homer's is in full play:

"The days in autumn when in violent flood Zeus pours his waters, wroth at sinful men"--

for it falls in with the acquittal of Gabinius--

"Who wrench the law to suit their crooked ends And drive out justice, recking naught of G.o.ds."[673]

But I have made up my mind not to care about such things. When I get back to Rome I will write and tell you my observations, and especially about the dictators.h.i.+p, and I will also send a letter to Labienus and one to Ligurius. I write this before daybreak by the carved wood lamp-stand, in which I take great delight, because they tell me that you had it made when you were at Samos. Good-bye, dearest and best of brothers.

[Footnote 673: Hom. _Il._ xvi. 385.]

CLVI (F VII, 16)

TO C. TREBATIUS TESTA (IN GAUL)

ROME (NOVEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, aeT. 52]

In the "Trojan Horse," just at the end, you remember the words, "Too late they learn wisdom."[674] You, however, old man, were wise in time.

Those first snappy letters of yours were foolish enough, and then----! I don't at all blame you for not being over-curious in regard to Britain.

For the present, however, you seem to be in winter quarters somewhat short of warm clothing, and therefore not caring to stir out:

"Not here and there, but everywhere, Be wise and ware: No sharper steel can warrior bear."

If I had been by way of dining out, I would not have failed your friend Cn. Octavius; to whom, however, I did remark upon his repeated invitations, "Pray, who are you?" But, by Hercules, joking apart, he is a pretty fellow: I could have wished you had taken him with you! Let me know for certain what you are doing and whether you intend coming to Italy at all this winter. Balbus has a.s.sured me that you will be rich.

Whether he speaks after the simple Roman fas.h.i.+on, meaning that you will be well supplied with money, or according to the Stoic dictum, that "all are rich who can enjoy the sky and the earth," I shall know hereafter.

Those who come from your part accuse you of pride, because they say you won't answer men who put questions to you. However, there is one thing that will please you: they all agree in saying that there is no better lawyer than you at Samarobriva![675]

[Footnote 674: By Livius Andronicus or Naevius. Tyrrell would write the proverb _in extremo sero sapiunt_, "'tis too late to be wise at the last." There was a proverb, _sero parsimonia in fundo_, something like this, Sen. _Ep._ i. 5, from the Greek (Hes. _Op._ 369), de??? d' ??

p????? fe?d?.]

[Footnote 675: In Gallia Belgica, mod. _Amiens._]

CLVII (A IV, 17)

TO ATTICUS (ON HIS WAY TO ROME)

ROME (NOVEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, aeT. 52]

At last the long-expected letter from you! Back to Italy, how delightful! What wonderful fidelity to your promise! What a charming voyage! About this last, by Hercules, I was very nervous, remembering the fur wrappers of your former crossing. But, unless I am mistaken, I shall see you sooner than you say in your letter. For I believe you thought that your ladies were in Apulia, and when you find that not to be the case, what can there be to detain you there? Are you bound to give Vestorius some days, and must you go through the stale banquet of his Latin Atticism again after an interval? Nay, fly hither and visit (the remains) of that genuine Republic of ours!...[676] Observe my strength of mind and my supreme indifference to the Felician[677]

one-twelfth legacy, and also, by heaven, my very gratifying connexion with Caesar--for this delights me as the one spar left me from the present s.h.i.+pwreck--Caesar, I say, who treats your and my Quintus, heavens! with what honour, respect, and favours! It is exactly as if I were the _imperator_. The choice was just lately offered him of selecting any of the winter quarters, as he writes me word. Wouldn't you be fond of such a man as that? Of which of your friends would you, if not of him? But look you! did I write you word that I was _legatus_ to Pompey, and should be outside the city from the 13th of January onwards?

This appeared to me to square with many things. But why say more? I will, I think, reserve the rest till we meet, that you may, after all, have something to look forward to. My very best regards to Dionysius, for whom, indeed, I have not merely kept a place, but have even built one. In fine, to the supreme joy of your return, a finis.h.i.+ng stroke will be added by his arrival. The day you arrive, you and your party will, I entreat you, stay with me.

[Footnote 676: There are some words here too corrupt to be translated with any confidence. They appear to convey a summary of news already written in several letters as to the bribery at the elections, the acquittal of Gabinius, and the rumour of a dictators.h.i.+p.]

[Footnote 677: A legacy of a twelfth left by a certain Felix to Cicero and Quintus had been rendered null by a mistake as to the will. See the letter to Quintus, p. 338.]