Blood and Iron Part 28

-- And as for Cohen, ladies of high degree bring flowers, soldiers of the common cause wear on their coats his picture crowned with oak leaves. The cult of murder, with Bismarck as the arch enemy in the centre of the picture, was indulged to prevent what was termed the War of the Brothers.

-- "I believe," rumbled the granite rock Bismarck, with frowning clouds around his brow, "I do solemnly believe in victory--whether or not I shall live to see it!" This speech was regarded as little short of blasphemy!

-- Bismarck now spoke more than ever of G.o.d, and of high German convictions. There was always grave danger of ingrat.i.tude, of insufficiency of time and place, but he certainly thought G.o.d on his side.

-- What lashed Bismarck into fury was the contention that the Crown and the two Chambers were equal, in political legitimacy.

-- "All const.i.tutional life," roared Bismarck, "is based on const.i.tutional compromises."

-- Day after day, Bismarck, the Prussian bull-dog, and von Roon, the terrifying drill-master, would appear at the Chamber, on the oak bench in full view of the angry deputies. Time and again, through political jugglery, angry members attempted to oust the Minister, but Bismarck was equal to every occasion. He actually ruled for four years without a legal budget. He conceded that point, too. He set up that it was his solemn sworn duty to support his King, and since the Chamber refused to vote the 12,000,000 thalers, why, it became the Minister's duty to get the money, by fair means or by foul.

-- And get it, he did!

It was all wretchedly unconst.i.tutional--of this there is no doubt.

Bismarck never made any pretenses on that score. After the Austrian war, an act of "immunity" was pa.s.sed, in his behalf.

-- From quarreling about the secret war-chest, the disputants next began a mighty wrangling about rules. Bismarck's points were always ingenious. He averred that, as King's Minister, he was "in" the parliament but not "of" it. "Ministers must always be listened to with respect," he contended. Thus, he forced the unwilling Radicals to listen to his bellowing, in behalf of the Brothers' War.

-- Bismarck construed in his own favor every blessed rule brought up to oust him. The Minister was exempt from the Chamber's dominations, he insisted in a hundred ways.

Violent scenes followed. The King sent long messages endorsing his fighting man; the Liberal press took up the cry, in support of Parliament; and thereupon Bismarck promptly muzzled the press.

-- Our Otto is now becoming the best-hated man not only in Prussia but in all Europe.

The deputies were brow-beaten, legislative officials intimidated with threats.

-- The climax came on that day of hubbub when angry members, swarming around Bismarck and von Roon, were sent back by von Roon's thunderous defiance. Pointing to the gangway before his bench, he hissed, "Thus far and no farther!"

-- The real reason why Bismarck fought the Chamber for four long years so desperately for the 12,000,000 thalers, to be used against Austria, was this: On one hand he wished to nullify the importance of the Prussian Parliament, and especially in the matter of dictation to the King, either under the Const.i.tution or not; also, to thrust at the same time, Austria out of the German body of the nation.

-- He became a fanatic on the subject of expelling Austria from Germany! He had no scruples, stopped at nothing, paused at nothing; and at the right moment defied the Chamber, smashed the Prussian Const.i.tution that would restrain the King's action in peace or war--and ruled alone!

-- There are few parallels in history of a stronger man.

-- Looked at in a large way, we are forced to conclude that the German ma.s.ses were not ready to believe, at this moment, in Bismarck's Old Testament faith in a G.o.d of Battles. To fulfil the Bismarckian political ideal, there was essential an implied humility on part of the people; and this att.i.tude of submission and renunciation was a sin against the spirit of '48. Bismarck's idea of political efficiency was also by no means worked out in detail; it had yet to find a place for the tailor, the shoemaker and the barber, side by side with the King of Prussia; even that miracle was ultimately accomplished, but at the present hour the street-bred people felt it their solemn duty to get up and howl, and to profess to know nothing of political efficiency, wherever kings were concerned.

-- At all times, the speeches of the crowd in the market-place were blatant enough, but there was also an unrecognized undercurrent of courage and patriotism pa.s.sing with the flood that was to mean much to Germany, in days to come. The cause of the crowd was really an early form of our vital modernist democratic movement, not to be put down nor yet shut out; all political life was to be revalued, also all new ideas of political happiness were to be henceforth tested by their virility and actuality, cutting away completely bookish ideals.

-- The part that lagged was this: leaders of the people were soon over-engaged, so to say, with the many-sided aspects and problems of the new political leaders.h.i.+p; the German compatriots failed at this time to realize their obligations to a German Empire, to be; the people's politicians were still insular with little or no consciousness of the great German National destiny just around the bend of the road. Thus, Bismarck's function was to force the people to join the National movement--do so as it were in spite of themselves; and when Bismarck fought back and called the people fools, he did not pause there, but stopped at nothing to lead a hitherto indifferent people to warlike patriotism over the Austrian question--over which they had gabbled and slept for years. Bismarck's unity of purpose for the Fatherland deftly combined sordid as well as exalted motives.

-- And the demands Bismarck finally made on German character were not in vain. For years, however, he was looked upon as an ogre in the eyes of the ma.s.ses, who misread his patriotism for jingoism in behalf of the King of Prussia.

CHAPTER XIII

The Dream of Empire

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Bismarck tricks them all--and by under-play matches King against King.

-- Von Roon had the soldiers up at 4 o'clock in the morning, incessantly drilling for the oncoming War of the Brothers. The deadly needle-guns--von Roon's secret--were relied on to do superior work in the impending great crisis.

-- Blood and iron--yes, that is the thing!

-- About this time, Bismarck executes another master-stroke. He decides to intervene in Poland, in favor of Russia; and certainly he has now to face a "word of wrath."

England sets up a cry, "Stop thief!" Exeter Hall statesmen, "brotherhood of man" type, begin tearful whinings.

-- Louis Napoleon tries to form an alliance between England and Austria, and England offers gold for a copy of the Russo-Prussian agreement, affecting Poland. Spies were everywhere.

-- Well, 10,000 Poles perish in the sacred cause of liberty, but mark: That in helping Russia Bismarck is laying the foundation for Russia's neutrality in the coming master-stroke against Austria. What do the lives of 10,000 Poles weigh in the balance beside the great strategic necessities to encompa.s.s Bismarck's idea of a United Germany? We do believe that Bismarck has the only practical solution, let nominal Christians say what they will.

-- The next step, to bribe France, is brought about craftily, through a customs' arrangement; and when some of the German states object, Bismarck replies: "You go my way or go your own way, alone!"

Also, Italy has to be quieted by soothing promises!

-- Austria now sets up more wind-baggery and gold lace, in the form of a new parliament, but Bismarck counters with a "proposed German parliament"--a spurious affair to be sure, but the scare has its weight.

-- Dark and intricate diplomacy here pa.s.ses before the eyes. Austria fails in her Congress of Sovereigns, and is anxious likewise to retrieve her losses in the Italian war. Bismarck at least knows that Austria henceforth is powerless to inflame German states against Prussia, also that the growth of Liberalism, within Austria's own domains, is again keeping her very busy.

-- Cast your eyes toward Paris. Louis the Little is secretly plotting with both sides--Bismarck's spies tell all to the old man up in Berlin! Secretly, Louis feels that Prussia will be defeated; the French Emperor aims at what he calls the balance of power--by which he means that while the two big dogs are fighting, he will slip in and steal the bone? Exactly that!

-- Many years later, Bismarck writing of this period, makes this confession:

-- "Napoleon secretly thought that if Austria and Prussia clashed, Austria would win and then France would step in and 'protect' Prussia; later on, in return for the price of her French favor, Napoleon III believed he could make such terms as he wished with our Prussia."

-- Thus, up to the decisive battle of Sadowa, or Koeniggraetz, France remains politely bowing and sc.r.a.ping to both sides--while having her understanding with each side.

Napoleon feels that he will in time be asked to intervene, and for his help he will take a slice of the Rhineland.

Bismarck did not undeceive France--mark that well! Later in life, the Man of Blood and Iron, taunted with the charge of attempting to give away German territory, made a strong "diplomatic" defense. He fearlessly produced the draft of a proposed treaty showing that France was conniving to acquire Belgium, through the under-play of politics, aided by Bismarck.

The amusing part was Bismarck's solemn reply, "The treaty was drawn up by Napoleon himself, and was offered to me for signature!"

Also, to show that he is disinterested, Napoleon now proposes that the "differences" between Prussia and Austria be settled by a European congress. Austria hangs back, although England and Russia join to ask for the Congress of Settlement.

46

1864-1866--Prussian domination essential in all Bismarck's plans--Consistent in his inconsistencies.

-- The difficulties of Bismarck's position are not to be ascribed to the fact that, first and foremost, he desired to re-establish confidence in the Feudal theory of Divine-right of kings. His life-long plans had to do with increasing the power of Prussia and he preached the legitimacy of his loyal master's house as an American politician is wont to eulogize the services of the "grand old Republican party," or "the great principles of Jefferson," or boasts that he is "progressive and independent," whatever that may mean.