The Great Civil War in Lancashire (1642-1651) Part 15

37, gives the date of Derby's meeting with Charles as August 17.

[228] "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 5, p. 177, (book 13, par. 58). Ma.s.sey's letter of August 19 is printed in "Cary," Vol. 2, p. 324. He says that his advance has been checked by a regiment of Lilburne's horse quartered near Middleton; but this cannot have been Lilburne's own regiment, which only left Stockport on the 22nd. Some prisoners were made by Ma.s.sey.

"Seacome," pp. 112, 113, is the authority for the meeting at Warrington, but his statements are accepted by Mr. Gardiner. Seacome's account that Ma.s.sey strongly seconded Derby's appeals is, however, not compatible with a sentence of Mr. Gardiner's: "Too late Charles discovered that a letter carried by Ma.s.sey from the Scotch ministers attending the army contained a warning against a too close conjunction with malignants."

"Commonwealth," Vol. 2, p. 38. It must be supposed that Seacome overrated Ma.s.sey's part in the meeting.

[229] "Portland MSS.," Vol. 1, p. 614. Several warrants issued by Derby are given, and orders against plundering; companies on the march, however, were to have free quarter. The Earl's appeal to the Gentlemen of Lancas.h.i.+re is printed in "Cary," Vol. 2, p. 333.

[230] "Discourse," pp. 72, 73.

[231] "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 5, p. 185 (book 13, par. 69).

[232] The fullest accounts of the Battle of Wigan are: "A Great Victory, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 296); "Two Letters from Col. Robert Lilburne, etc."

("C.W.T.," p. 300); "Seacome," pp. 113, 114; Whitelock's "Memorials," p.

504; and "Discourse," pp. 72-76. The last gives most details, probably from personal knowledge; Major Robinson was one of the Lancas.h.i.+re officers to whom a commission was given in the reorganisation of the Militia in 1650. His narrative and that of Lilburne, as those written by eye-witnesses, may be taken as the most reliable.

With regard to the numbers of the respective forces, there can be little doubt that they were very nearly equal. Seacome's wild estimates, which are, as usual, unhesitatingly followed by Canon Raines, may be dismissed as impossible; he gives Lilburne 3,000 horse and foot. It has already been mentioned that Derby landed with less than 100 horse, and either 250 or 300 foot (p. 187). All the accounts substantially agree in respect to these figures. In the few days after landing these numbers were considerably increased; Seacome acknowledges that Derby had 600 horse at the battle, while Lilburne says that the royalists had increased to 1,400 or 1,500 men, and the "Discourse" gives them 1,000 foot and 500 horse. Lilburne's estimate of his own army, as stated in the letter to Cromwell, may be accepted as correct. He writes: "I had only my own regiment, and those three companies of foot, and the 60 horse and dragoons." His own regiment of horse he had brought with him; two of the foot companies had been sent from Chester, and one, together with the 60 dragoons, from the garrison at Liverpool. "Discourse," p.

75; "C.W.T.," p. 297. The latter of these references is to a letter from Birch, the Governor of Liverpool, who writes: "All that could be afforded in a.s.sistance were two foot companies from Chester, one of my Regiment, left about Manchester, not being so ready as the rest to march out, and what musketeers I horsed from hence with some few countrymen."

A regiment of cavalry in the New Model Army numbered 600 men. Firth, "Cromwell's Army," p. 42. Dragoons in the seventeenth century were not cavalry, but mounted infantry. Mr. Gardiner's account of the Battle is not quite correct ("Commonwealth," Vol. 2, p. 39). He says: "Lilburne fell back through Wigan.... Entangled in the lanes south of the town he was compelled to fight, etc." Wigan Lane is the road out of Wigan to the north.

[233] A monument to Tyldesley was erected on the spot where he fell by his cornet, Alexander Rigby, of Layton, when the latter was Sheriff of Lancas.h.i.+re in 1677. The monument still stands: it was restored by the Corporation of Wigan in 1886. The long inscription is printed by Canon Raines. "Stanley Papers," pt. 3, Vol. 2 (C.S. 67), p. cccx.x.xiii.

[234] This letter is printed in "Cary," Vol. 2, p. 320; Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 239.

[235] Hughes' "Boscobel Tracts," pp. 174, 190.

[236] For the narrative of Derby's capture we are indebted to Capt.

Hodgson ("Autobiography," p. 48). Little seems to be known about Edge; but the name of Oliver Edge occurs in a statement about the seating of Manchester Church in 1649, which was largely signed by the inhabitants of the town, and this signature is very probably his.

("Manchester Munic.i.p.al Records.") He belonged to the family of Edge of Birch-Hall Houses near Manchester. Halley's "Lancas.h.i.+re Puritanism and Nonconformity" (2nd ed. in 1 vol., 1872), p. 286.

[237] "C.J.," Vol. 7, pp. 8, 9.

[238] "C.S.P.," 1651, pp. 422, 423. "C.J.," Vol. 7, pp. 9, 16.

[239] The official record of the trial of the Earl of Derby, from the original in the Library of the House of Lords, is printed by Canon Raines in the appendix to his "Stanley Papers," pt. 3, Vol. 2 (C.S. 67), pp. cccx.x.xiv-ccclvii, as well as other valuable doc.u.ments relating to the Earl's trial and death. _Vide_ also "Discourse," pp. 78-85; "C.W.T.," pp. 311-323.

[240] "C.S.P.," 1651, p. 457.

[241] Duckenfield and Birch to Lenthall. Ramsey, Nov. 2. ("Tanner MSS.,"

Vol. 55, fol. 87.)

[242] Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 151.

[243] Gardiner ("Commonwealth," Vol. 2, p. 62, note) quotes a Newsletter of Salvetti, which seems decisive on this point. As the Earl's death has been attributed to Cromwell's own influence the quotation may be repeated here: "Il General Cromwell fa buonissimi uffizii per salvarlo la vita, con conditione che consegni nelle mane del Parlamento la sua isoletta di Man, della quale se ne int.i.tole Re."

[244] "Seacome," p. 133.

[245] "Raines," _op. cit._, p. ccxvii, ccvxiii. Canon Raines here repeats a wild story from Seacome, to the effect that this pet.i.tion would have been allowed by the House, had not Cromwell and Bradshaw contrived to reduce the number of Members present to less than 40, so that no question could be put. There is no foundation for this statement. As a matter of fact, the House voted that Derby's pet.i.tion should be read, but it could not possibly be dealt further with owing to the impossibility of sending a messenger into Lancas.h.i.+re in time to stop the execution, had that been intended. ("C.J.," Vol. 7, p. 27.) For Cromwell's real att.i.tude towards the reprieve, _vide_ note on p. 201.

[246] "The Earl of Derby's Speech on the Scaffold, etc." ("C.W.T.," p.

320). The best account of the Earl's last hours is naturally given by Seacome, who quotes Bagguley's "Narrative" (pp. 120-127), "Discourse,"

pp. 82-85: "The Earl was no good Orator, and the tumult put him out of speaking what he intended; he was much afraid of being reviled by the people of the town, but they rather pitied his condition."

[247] "The Earl of Darby was a man of unquestionable loyalty to the King, and gave clear testimony of it before he received any obligations from the Court, and when he thought himself disobliged by it.... He was a man of great honour and clear courage; and all his defects and misfortunes proceeded from his having lived so little time among his equals, that he knew not how to treat his inferiors: which was the source of all the ill that befell him, having thereby drawn such a prejudice from the persons of inferior quality, who yet thought themselves too good to be contemned, against him, that they pursued him to death." ("Clarendon," Macray, Vol. 5, p. 184, bk. 13, par. 68).