The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria Part 14

Ishtar.

Second in rank to Ashur during the most glorious part of a.s.syrian history stands the great G.o.ddess Ishtar. That the a.s.syrian Ishtar is identical with the great G.o.ddess of the Babylonian pantheon is beyond reasonable doubt. She approaches closest to Nana,--the Ishtar of Erech; but just as we found the Babylonian Ishtar appearing under various names and forms, so there are no less than three Ishtars in a.s.syria, distinguished in the texts as Ishtar of Nineveh, Ishtar of Arbela, and Ishtar who presides over the temple known as Kidmuru and who for that reason is generally called 'the queen of Kidmuru.' The seat of the latter was in Nineveh, as was of course also the seat of Ishtar of Nineveh. The third Ishtar had her cult at Arbela,[245] a town lying to the east of Calah about midway between the upper and lower Zab. It is not easy to determine which of these three Ishtars is the oldest. The a.s.syrians themselves seem to have been aware of the Babylonian origin of Ishtar, for Tiglathpileser I. is at pains to emphasize that the temple he builds to Ishtar in his capital is dedicated to the 'a.s.syrian Ishtar.'[246] This being the oldest mention of Ishtar in a.s.syrian texts, we are perhaps warranted in concluding that the cult of the G.o.ddess was transferred with the seat of government to Nineveh. This would not necessarily make Ishtar of Nineveh the oldest of the three, but accounts for the higher rank that was accorded to her, as against the other two.

Ishtar of Arbela and the queen of Kidmuru do not make their appearance so far as the historical texts are concerned till the time of Esarhaddon (681, B.C.)--a comparatively late date. Tiele[247] suggests that Arbela became the seat of a school of prophets in the service of Ishtar. The curious name of the place, the 'four-G.o.d' city, certainly speaks in favor of supposing Arbela to have been a great religious center, but until excavations shall have been conducted on the modern site of the town, the problems connected with the wors.h.i.+p of Ishtar of Arbela cannot be solved. It is quite possible, if not probable, that the three Ishtars are each of independent origin. The 'queen of Kidmuru,' indeed, I venture to think, is the indigenous Ishtar of Nineveh, who is obliged to yield her place to the so-called 'a.s.syrian Ishtar' upon the transfer of the capitol of a.s.syria to Nineveh, and henceforth is known by one of her epithets to distinguish her from her formidable rival. The cult of Ishtar at Arbela is probably, too, of ancient date; but special circ.u.mstances that escape us appear to have led to a revival of interest in their cults during the period when a.s.syria reached the zenith of her power. The important point for us to bear in mind is that no essential distinctions between these three Ishtars were made by the a.s.syrians.

Their traits and epithets are similar, and for all practical purposes we have only one Ishtar in the northern empire. Next to Ashur, or rather by the side of Ashur, Ishtar was invoked as the great G.o.ddess of battle and war. This trait, however, was not given to her by the a.s.syrians.

Hammurabi views the G.o.ddess in this light,[248] and in the Izdubar or Gilgamesh epic, as already pointed out, she appears at times in the role of a violent destroyer. The warlike phase of the G.o.ddess's nature is largely accentuated in the a.s.syrian pantheon and dwelt upon to the exclusion of that softer and milder side which we have seen characterized her as 'the mother of mankind.' Her role as the G.o.ddess of war grows in prominence as the a.s.syrian rulers proceed in their triumphal careers. Ashurris.h.i.+s.h.i.+ (_c_. 1150 B.C.) invokes her simply as the superior G.o.ddess, but for Tiglathpileser I. and from his days on, she is primarily the lady of war, who arranges the order of battle and encourages her favorites to fight. She appears in dreams at critical moments, and whispers words of cheer to King Ashurbanabal. When danger threatens, it is to her that the great king spreads his hands in prayer.

She is not merely the G.o.ddess of the kings, but of the people as well.

The latter are instructed to honor her. No deity approaches her in splendor. As Ashur rules the Igigi, so Ishtar is declared to be 'mighty over the Anunnaki.' Her commands are not to be opposed. Her appearance is that of a being clothed with fiery flames, and streams of fire are sent down by her upon the enemies of Ashurbanabal--a description that expresses admirably the conception formed by the a.s.syrians of a genuine G.o.ddess of war. Like Ashur, she is given a supreme rank among the G.o.ds.

Shalmaneser II. calls her the first-born of heaven and earth, and for Tiglathpileser I., she is the first among the G.o.ds. Her milder attributes as the gracious mother of creation, the giver of plenty, and the hearer of the supplications of the sinner, so prominent in the religious literature,[249] are not dwelt upon in the historical texts.

Still, an element of love also enters into the relations.h.i.+p with her subjects. Ashurnasirbal (885-860 B.C.) speaks of her as the lady who 'loves him and his priesthood.' Sennacherib similarly a.s.sociates Ishtar with Ashur as the lover of his priesthood. As a G.o.ddess of war she is of course 'perfect in courage,' as Shalmaneser II. declares. Temples are erected to her in the city of Ashur, in Nineveh and Arbela. Ashurbanabal distinguishes carefully between the two Ishtars,--the one of Nineveh and the one of Arbela; and, strange enough, while terming Nineveh the favorite city of Ishtar, he seems to give the preference to Ishtar of Arbela. It is to the latter[250] that when hard pressed by the Elamites he addresses his prayer, calling her 'the lady of Arbela'; and it is this Ishtar who appears to the royal troops in a dream. The month of Ab--the fifth month of the Babylonian calendar--is sacred to Ishtar.

Ashurbanabal proceeds to Arbela for the purpose of wors.h.i.+pping her during this sacred period. Something must have occurred during his reign, to bring the G.o.ddess of Arbela into such remarkable prominence, but even Ashurbanabal does not go so far as to place Ishtar of Arbela before Ishtar of Nineveh, when enumerating the G.o.ds of the pantheon. One point still remains to be mentioned before pa.s.sing on. Ashurbanabal calls Ishtar--he is speaking of Ishtar of Nineveh--the wife of Bel.[251]

Now Ishtar never appears in this capacity in the Babylonian inscriptions. If there is one G.o.ddess with whom she has nothing in common, it is Belit of Nippur. To account for this curious statement on the part of the a.s.syrian scribes, it is only necessary to bear in mind that the name Belit signifies 'lady,' and Ishtar is constantly spoken of as the Belit or lady of battle. Much the same train of thought that led to regarding Bel in the sense of 'lord,' merely as a t.i.tle of Marduk, gave rise to the use of 'Belit,' as the t.i.tle of the great 'lady' of the a.s.syrian pantheon.[252] From this it is but a small--but of course erroneous--step, to speak of Belit-Ishtar as the consort of Bel. Whether the error is due only to the scribe, or whether it actually made its way into the a.s.syrian system of theology, it is difficult to say. Probably the former; for the distinguis.h.i.+ng feature of both the Babylonian and the a.s.syrian Ishtar is her independent position. Though at times brought into close a.s.sociation with Ashur, she is not regarded as the mere consort of any G.o.d--no mere reflection of a male deity, but ruling in her own right on a perfect par with the great G.o.ds of the pantheon. She is coequal in rank and dignity with Ashur. Her name becomes synonymous with G.o.ddess, as Marduk becomes the synonym for G.o.d. The female deities both native and foreign come to be regarded as so many forms of Ishtar.

In a certain sense Ishtar is the only _real_ G.o.ddess of the later a.s.syrian pantheon, the only one taking an active part in the religious and political life of the people. At the same time it is to be noted that by the side of the a.s.syrian Ishtar, the Babylonian Ishtar, especially the one a.s.sociated with Erech (or Warka) is also wors.h.i.+pped by the monarchs of the north. Esarhaddon devotes himself to the improvement of the old temple at Erech, and Ashurbanabal prides himself upon having rescued out of the hands of the Elamites a statue of Ishtar or Nana of Erech that had been captured 1635 years previous.[253]

Anu.

Reference has already been made to the antiquity of the Anu cult in a.s.syria, and that prior to the time that the city of Ashur a.s.sumes the role of mistress of the northern district, Anu stood at the head of the pantheon, just as theoretically he continued to occupy this place in the pantheon of the south. What is especially important, he had a temple in the very city of Ashur, whose patron G.o.d succeeded in usurping the place of the old 'G.o.d of heaven.' The character of Anu in the north differs in no way from the traits a.s.signed to him in the south. He is the king of the Igigi and Anunnaki, that is, of all the heavenly and earthly spirits, and he is this by virtue of being the supreme G.o.d of heaven.

His cult, however, appears to have suffered through the overshadowing supremacy of Ashur. Even in his old temple at Ashur, which Tiglathpileser I. on the occasion of his rebuilding it, tells us was founded 641 years before this restoration,[254] he is no longer accorded sole homage. Ramman, the G.o.d of thunder and of storms, because correlated to Anu, is placed by the side of the latter and permitted to share the honors with Anu.[255] Anu survives in the a.s.syrian as in the Babylonian pantheon by virtue of being a member of the theological triad, composed as we have seen of Anu, Bel, and Ea. Tiglathpileser I.

still invokes Anu as a deity of practical importance. He a.s.sociates him with Ramman and Ishtar as the great G.o.ds of the city of Ashur or with Ramman alone, but beyond an incidental mention by Ashurnasirbal, who in a long list of G.o.ds at the beginning of his annals emphasizes the fact of his being the favorite of Anu, he appears only in combination with Bel and Ea. The same degree of reverence, however, was shown to the old triad in a.s.syria as in Babylonia. The three G.o.ds are asked not to listen to the prayers of the one who destroys the monuments set up by the kings. Sargon tells us that it is Anu, Bel, and Ea who fix the names of the months,[256] and this same king when he comes to a.s.sign names to the eight gates of his great palace, does not forget to include Anu in the list of deities,[257] describing him as the G.o.d who blesses his handiwork.

Dagan.

Coequal in antiquity with the cult of Anu in a.s.syria is that of Dagan.

Although occurring in Babylonia as early as the days of Hammurabi, and indeed earlier,[258] it would appear that his wors.h.i.+p was imported from the north into the south.[259] At all events, it is in the north that the cult of Dagan rises to prominence. The name of the G.o.d appears as an element in the name of Ishme-Dagan (the father of Samsi-Ramman II.),[260] whose date may be fixed at the close of the nineteenth century B.C. The form Dagan is interesting as being almost identical with the name of the chief G.o.d of the Philistines, Dagon,[261] who is mentioned in the Book of Judges. The resemblance can hardly be entirely accidental. From other sources we know that Dagan was wors.h.i.+pped in Palestine as early as the fourteenth or fifteenth century, and the form Dagan, if derived from _Dag_, contains an afformative element which stamps the word as non-a.s.syrian. The proposition has much in its favor which regards Dagan as a G.o.d whose wors.h.i.+p was introduced into a.s.syria at a very early period through the influence of Aramaean hordes, who continue throughout a.s.syrian history to skirt the eastern sh.o.r.es of the Tigris. Once introduced, however, into a.s.syria, Dagan a.s.sumes a different form from the one that he receives among the Philistines. To the latter he is the G.o.d of agriculture, while in a.s.syria he rises to the rank of second in the pantheon, and becomes the a.s.sociate of Anu.

The latter's dominion being the heavens, Dagan is conceived as the G.o.d of earth. Hence, there results the fusion with the Babylonian Bel, which has already been noted,[262] and it is due to this fusion that Dagan disappears almost entirely from the a.s.syrian pantheon. Ashurnasirbal invokes Dagan with Anu. Two centuries later, Sargon, whose scribes, as Jensen has noticed, manifest an 'archaeological' fondness for the earlier deities, repeats the phrase of Ashurnasirbal, and also calls his subjects 'troops of Anu and Dagan'; but it is important to observe that he does not include Dagan among the deities in whose honor he a.s.signs names to the gates of his palace. We may, therefore, fix upon the ninth century as the terminus for the Dagan cult in a.s.syria. Proper names compounded with Dagan do not occur after the days of Ashurnasirbal.[263]

Shamash.

Besides the testimony furnished by the name of the king, Samsi-Ramman, we have a proof for the antiquity of the Shamash cult in a.s.syria in the express statement of Pudilu (_c._ 1350 B.C.) that he built a temple to the sun-G.o.d in the city of Ashur. He calls Shamash the 'protecting deity,' but the protection vouchsafed by Shamash is to be understood in a peculiar sense. Shamash does not work by caprice. He is, as we have seen, preeminently a G.o.d of justice, whose favors are bestowed in accordance with unchangeable principles. So far as a.s.syria is concerned, the conceptions regarding Shamash reach a higher ethical level than those connected with any other deity. Ashur and Ishtar are partial to a.s.syria, and uphold her rulers at any cost, but the favors of Shamash are bestowed upon the kings because of their righteousness, or, what is the same thing, because of their claim to being righteous. For Tiglathpileser I., great and ruthless warrior as he is, Shamash is the judge of heaven and earth, who sees the wickedness of the king's enemies, and shatters them because of their guilt. When the king mercifully sets certain captives free, it is in the presence of Shamash that he performs this act. It is, therefore, as the advocate of the righteous cause that Tiglathpileser claims to have received the glorious sceptre at the hands of Shamash; and so also for the successors of Tiglathpileser, down to the days of Sargon, Shamash is above all and first of all the judge, both of men and of the G.o.ds. There is, of course, nothing new in this view of Shamash, which is precisely the one developed in Babylonia; but in a.s.syria, perhaps for the reason that in Shamash is concentrated almost all of the ethical instinct of the northern people, the judicial traits of Shamash appear to be even more strongly emphasized. Especially in the days of Ashurnasirbal and Shalmaneser II.--the ninth century--does the sun-cult receive great prominence. These kings call themselves the _sun_ of the world. The phrase,[264] indeed, has so distinctly an Egyptian flavor, that, in connection with other considerations, it seems quite plausible to a.s.sume that the influence of Egyptian reverence for _Ra_ had much to do with the popularity of the sun-cult about this time. Shalmaneser bestows numerous epithets upon Shamash. He is the guide of everything, the messenger of the G.o.ds, the hero, the judge of the world who guides mankind aright, and, what is most significant, the lord of law. The word used for law, _tertu_, is identical with the Hebrew term _tora_ that is used to designate the Pentateuchal legislation. No better testimony could be desired to show the nature of the conceptions that must have been current of Shamash. Sargon, again, who is fond of emphasizing the just principles that inspire his acts, goes to the length of building a sanctuary[265] for Shamash far beyond the northern limits of a.s.syria.

But the kings, in thus placing themselves under the protection of the great judge, were not oblivious to the fact that this protection was particularly desired on the battlefield. War being uppermost in their thoughts, the other side of Shamash's nature--his power and violence--was not overlooked. Tiglathpileser invokes him also as the warrior,--a t.i.tle that is often given to Shamash in the religious literature. There can be little doubt that a nation of warriors whose chief deities were G.o.ds of war, was attracted to Shamash not merely because he was the judge of all things, but also, and in a large degree, because he possessed some of the traits that distinguished Ashur and Ishtar.

Ramman.

The a.s.sociation of Ramman with Shamash in the name of the old ruler of a.s.syria, Samsi-Ramman, is not accidental or due to mere caprice. Only such deities are combined in proper names that are, or may be, correlated to one another. Ramman, as the G.o.d of storms, is naturally viewed as a power complementary to the great orb of light.[266] The two in combination, viewed as the beneficent and the destructive power, const.i.tute the most powerful elements of nature, whose good will it was most important, especially for a nation of warriors, to secure. Some such thought surely underlies this a.s.sociation of Shamash with Ramman.

The a.s.syrian Ramman differs in no way from the Ramman of Babylonia, but he is much more popular in the north than in the south. The popularity of the G.o.d is but a reflection of the delight that the a.s.syrians took in military pursuits. Ramman is hardly anything more than another Ashur.

Tiglathpileser I., who once calls the G.o.d Mar-tu, _i.e._, "the West G.o.d,"[267] has left us an admirable description of him. He is the hero who floods the lands and houses of the country's enemies. The approach of the a.s.syrian troops is compared to an onslaught of Ramman. His curses are the most dreadful that can befall a nation or an individual, for his instruments of destruction are lightning, hunger, and death. Reference has several times been made to the manner in which Tiglathpileser honors Ramman by making him a partner of Anu in the great temple of the latter at Ashur. But the successors of Tiglathpileser are no less zealous in their reverence for Ramman. It is to Ramman that the kings offer sacrifices during the campaign, and when they wish to depict in the strongest terms the destruction that follows in the wake of an onslaught of the a.s.syrian troops, they declare that they swept over everything like Ramman. It is natural, in view of this, that Ramman should have been to the a.s.syrians also the 'mightiest of the G.o.ds.'[268] Through the a.s.syrian inscriptions we learn something of the consort of Ramman.

Shala.

Sennacherib tells us that in the course of his campaign against Babylonia he removes out of the city of Babylon, and replaces in Ekallate[269] the statues of Ramman and Shala. This, he says, he did 418 years after the time that they had been carried captive from Ekallate to Babylon by Marduknadinakhi.[270] We know nothing more of this Ekallate except that it lay in a.s.syria,--probably in the southern half,--and that Ramman and Shala are called the G.o.ds of the city. The name 'Shala'

appears to signify 'woman.' It reminds us, therefore, of 'lady' (Ninni, Nana, etc.), which we have found to be the designation for several distinct G.o.ddesses. It is possible that Shala, likewise, being a name of so indefinite a character, was applied to other G.o.ddesses. A 'Shala of the mountains,' who is stated to be the wife of Marduk, is mentioned in a list of G.o.ds.[271] The wife of Bel, too, is once called Shala, though in this case the confusion between Marduk and Bel may have led to transferring the name from the consort of one to the consort of the other. Too much importance must not be attached to the data furnished by these lists of G.o.ds. They represent in many cases purely arbitrary attempts to systematize the Babylonian and a.s.syrian pantheon, and in other cases are valuable only as reflecting the views of the theologians, or rather of certain schools of theological thought, in Babylonia. In the religious hymns, too, the consort of Ramman finds mention, and by a play upon her name is described as the 'merciful one.'

The attribute given to her there is the 'lady of the field,' which puts her in contrast to Ramman, rather than in partners.h.i.+p with him. Since we hear little of her wors.h.i.+p in a.s.syria, beyond the notices of Sennacherib, we may conclude that, like so many G.o.ddesses, Shala dwindled to the insignificant proportions of a mere pale reflection of the male deity.

Nin-ib.

Another G.o.d, who by virtue of his violent traits enjoys the favor of the a.s.syrian rulers, is the old Babylonian deity whose name is provisionally read Nin-ib. In the very first mention of him, in the inscription of Ashurris.h.i.+s.h.i.+ (_c._ 1150 B.C.), he is called the 'mighty one of the G.o.ds.' Through the protection of Nin-ib, Ashurris.h.i.+s.h.i.+ secures victory over his enemies on all sides. Similarly, other of the a.s.syrian rulers emphasize the strength of Nin-ib. Tiglathpileser I. calls him the courageous one, whose special function is the destruction of the king's enemies. In doing so he becomes the G.o.d 'who fulfills the heart's desire.' The unmistakable character of the G.o.d as a G.o.d of war is also shown by his a.s.sociation with Ashur.[272] If Ashur is the king of Igigi and Anunnaki, Nin-ib is the hero of the heavenly and earthly spirits. To him the rulers fly for help. Of all the kings, Ashurnasirbal seems to have been especially devoted to the service of Nin-ib. The annals of this king, instead of beginning, as is customary, with an invocation of all or many of the G.o.ds, starts out with an address to Nin-ib, in which the king fairly exhausts the vocabulary of the language in his desire to secure the favor of this powerful deity. Almost all the attributes he a.s.signs to him have reference to the G.o.d's powers in war. Dwelling in the capital Calah, he is 'the strong, the mighty, the supreme one,' the perfect hero, who is invincible in battle, the 'destroyer of all opposition, who holds the lock of heaven and earth, who opens the deep; the strong one, endowed with youthful vigor, whose decree is unchangeable, without whom no decision is made in heaven or on earth, whose attack is like a flood, who sweeps away the land of his enemies,'

and so forth, through a bewildering array of epithets. The inscriptions of the a.s.syrian kings, especially in the introductions, manifest little originality. One king, or rather his scribe, frequently copies from earlier productions, or imitates them. Hence, it happens that the grandson of Ashurnasirbal, Shams.h.i.+-Ramman (_c._ 825-812 B.C.), furnishes us with an almost equally long array of epithets, exalting the strength and terror of Nin-ib. Like Ashurnasirbal, he declared himself to have been chosen by this G.o.d to occupy the throne. A comparison of the two lists makes it evident that the later one is modeled upon the earlier production. The conclusion is justified that in the century covered by the reigns of Ashurnasirbal[273] and Shams.h.i.+-Ramman, the cult of Nin-ib must have acquired great popularity, though suffering, perhaps, an interruption during the reign of Shalmaneser II.,--midway between these two kings,--whose favorite we have seen was Shamash. The great temple of Nin-ib stood in Calah, which Ashurnasirbal chose as his official residence, and it was in this temple that the king deposited a long inscription commemorating his deeds. In the temple, he also places a colossal statue of the G.o.d. Upon the completion of the edifice, he dedicates it with prayer and sacrifices. The special festivals of the G.o.d are fixed for the months of Shabat and Ulul,--the eleventh and sixth months,--and provision is made for the regular maintenance of the cult.

It must, of course, not be supposed that, because Nin-ib appears to be a favorite of the king, the latter concentrates his attentions upon this G.o.d. He appears to have been specially fond of temple building, and, besides the one to Nin-ib, he tells us of sanctuaries to 'Belit of the land,' _i.e._, Ishtar,[274] Sin, Gula, Ea, and Ramman,--that he erects or improves. One might be led to regard it as strange that a G.o.d like Nin-ib, or Shamash, should claim so large a share of the attention of the a.s.syrian rulers, to the apparent neglect of Ashur, but it must be borne in mind that the position of Ashur was so a.s.sured as to be beyond the reach of rivalry. The fact also that Ashur's popular symbol was the movable standard was no doubt a reason why so few temples were erected to him. He did not stand in need of temples. For the very reason that Ashur was the universally acknowledged master of everything, the kings felt called upon to choose, by the side of Ashur, some additional deity,--a patron under whose special protection they placed themselves.

The natural desire for novelty--together with other circ.u.mstances that escape us--led one to choose Ramman, another Nin-ib, a third Shamash, and a fourth, as we shall see, Nabu. In doing so they were not conscious of any lack of respect towards Ashur, of whose good will they always felt certain.

Besides the service rendered by Nin-ib in war, his aid was also invoked by the kings in their recreations, which partook of the same violent character as their vocation. Their favorite sport was hunting, especially of lions, wild horses, elephants, stags, boars, and bulls.

They either proceeded to districts where these animals were to be found, or they had large parks laid out near their residences, which were then stocked with material for the chase. Ashurnasirbal does not shun a long journey to distant mountainous regions to seek for sport, and it is Nin-ib whom he invokes, together with Nergal. These two, he declares, who, like Ashur and Ishtar, "love his priesthood," are the ones that convey into his hands the hunting spoils. Tiglathpileser I. was especially fond of lion and elephant hunting. He declares that on one occasion he killed 10 elephants and 920 lions in various parts of northwestern Mesopotamia; and he ascribes his success to Nin-ib, who loves him, and who, again, in a.s.sociation with Nergal, and Ashur, has placed in the king's hands the mighty weapons and the glorious bow.

After the days of Shams.h.i.+-Ramman we hear of Nin-ib chiefly in the formal lists of G.o.ds which the later kings of a.s.syria, from Sargon[275] on, are fond of placing at the beginning and end of their inscriptions. These lists, again, copied the one from the other, are of value only as indicating the chief G.o.ds of the pantheon, but warrant no conclusions as to the activity reigning in the cults of the G.o.ds there mentioned.

Before leaving Nin-ib a few words need be said as to his relations to the other G.o.ds. In the chapter on the pantheon before Hammurabi,[276]

the ident.i.ty of Nin-ib with the chief G.o.d of Gudea's district, Nin-girsu, has been pointed out. The solar character of the latter being clear, it follows that Nin-ib, too, is originally a personification of the sun, like Nin-gish-zida and Nin-shakh, whose roles are absorbed by Nin-ib.[277] This has long been recognized, but it is the merit of Jensen[278] to have demonstrated that it is the east sun and the morning sun which is more especially represented by Nin-ib. On this supposition, some of the t.i.tles given to him in the inscriptions of Ashurnasirbal and Shams.h.i.+-Ramman become perfectly clear. Like Marduk, who, it will be remembered, is also originally a phase of the solar deity, Nin-ib is called the first-born of Ea; and as the rising sun he is appropriately called the offspring of Ekur,--_i.e._, the earth,--in allusion to his apparent ascent from a place below the earth. Ekur and Eshara being employed as synonyms, Shams.h.i.+-Ramman replaces Ekur by Eshara, and since Bel is the lord of Ekur-Eshara, Nin-ib also becomes the first-born son of Bel. Other epithets, such as 'the light of heaven and earth,' 'the one who pursues his path over the wide world,'[279] are all in keeping with the solar character of the deity, and date, therefore, from a period when the more purely 'nature' phases of the G.o.d were dwelt upon.

But just as in the case of Shamash and Nergal (also, as we have seen, a solar deity), so in that of Nin-ib, the violent, fiery, and destructive character that the sun has in a climate like that of Babylonia brought it about that Nin-ib was viewed as a destructive force, whose a.s.sistance was of great value in military strife. He becomes the G.o.d of the cloud storm, before whom, as he pa.s.ses along, heaven and earth tremble. By his strong weapon he humiliates the disobedient, destroys the enemies of the kings, and grants all manner of protection to his favorites. Only in the religious literature are other qualities dwelt upon, such as his 'holiness.'[280] For Hammurabi, it will be recalled, Nin-ib is already the G.o.d of war, and it is natural that in a country like a.s.syria this side of the G.o.d's nature should become accentuated to the point of obscuring all others, until nothing more is left of his solar character than is indicated by stray bits of mythological phrases, perhaps only half understood, and introduced to add to the imposing array of epithets that belong to the terrible G.o.d of war. As the consort of Nin-ib, the a.s.syrians recognized

Gula.

She is only occasionally invoked by the a.s.syrian rulers. A sanctuary to Gula, as the consort of Nin-ib, is erected by Ashurnasirbal, and a festival in honor of the G.o.ddess is referred to by Ashurbanabal.

Nergal.

Nergal not only shares with Nin-ib, as already mentioned, the honor of being the G.o.d under whose auspices the royal chase is carried on, but he is also, like Nin-ib, invoked in that other sport of which the a.s.syrian rulers were so fond,--war. He is scarcely differentiated from Nin-ib.

Like the latter he is the perfect king of battle, who marches before the monarch together with Ashur, and he is pictured as carrying the mighty weapons which Ashur has presented to the king. In an inscription of Shalmaneser II.[281] there is an interesting reference to the city sacred to Nergal--Cuthah. The king, who in the course of his campaign against Babylonia reaches Cuthah, brings sacrifices to Nergal, whom he speaks of as 'the hero of the G.o.ds, the supreme raging sun.' A later king, Sargon, also honors the G.o.d by giving a fortress in the distant land of Nairi, to the northeast of a.s.syria, the name of Kar[282]-Nergal.

It would seem as though, through the influence of Sargon, a revival of the Nergal cult took place. His successor, Sennacherib, erects a temple in honor of the G.o.d at Tarbisu, a suburb to the north of Nineveh proper, and Ashurbanabal, who dwells at Tarbisu for a while, is engaged in adding to the beauty of the edifice,--an indication of the honor in which the G.o.d continued to be held. Nergal's consort is Laz, but she is not referred to by the a.s.syrian rulers.

Sin.

The old Babylonian moon-G.o.d plays a comparatively insignificant role in a.s.syria. Ashurnasirbal speaks of a temple that he founded in Calah--perhaps only a chapel--in honor of Sin. It could not have been of much importance, for we learn nothing further about it. Sargon, too, who manifests a great fondness for reviving ancient cults, erects sanctuaries to Sin along with a quant.i.ty of other G.o.ds in his official residence at Khorsabad and beyond the northeastern confines of a.s.syria at Magganubba. But when invoked by the kings, Sin shows traces of the influence which the conceptions current about Ashur exerted upon his fellow deities. He takes on, as other of the G.o.ds, the attributes of the war-G.o.d. Instead of being merely the lord of the crescent, as in Babylonia, and one of the sources of wisdom because of the connection of astrology with lunar observations, he is pictured as capable of inspiring terror. At the same time he is also the lord of plenty, and in his capacity as the wise G.o.d he is regarded as the lord of decisions.

But by the side of new epithets that are attached to him in the a.s.syrian inscriptions, there is one which, just as in the case of Nin-ib, connects the a.s.syrian Sin cult with the oldest phase of moon-wors.h.i.+p in the south. It is one of the last kings of a.s.syria, Ashurbanabal, who calls Sin 'the firstborn son of Bel.' He appears in this relations.h.i.+p to Bel in the religious texts of Babylonia. The Bel here meant can only be the great G.o.d of Nippur, and the t.i.tle 'son of Bel' accordingly shows that the moon-wors.h.i.+p of a.s.syria is ultimately derived from that which had its seat in the south. Sin's secondary position is indicated by making him a son of Bel. The rise of the science of astronomy in connection with astrology, was, as already suggested, an important factor in spreading and maintaining the Sin cult in the south, while the lack of intellectual originality in a.s.syria would equally account for the comparatively subordinate position occupied by Sin in the a.s.syrian pantheon.

Nusku.

That Nusku is a Babylonian G.o.d, meriting a place in the pantheon of Hammurabi, if not of the days prior to the union of the Babylonian states, is shown by the fact (1) that he had a shrine in the great temple of Marduk at Babylon, along with Nebo, Tashmiyum, and Ea;[283]

and (2) that he appears in the religious texts. In view of this it might appear strange that we find no reference to the G.o.d in historical texts till we reach the a.s.syrian period. The reason, or at least one reason, is that Nusku is on the one hand amalgamated with Gibil, the fire-G.o.d, and on the other identified with Nabu. The compound ideogram with which his name is written includes the same sign--the stylus or sceptre--that is used to designate Nabu, the second part of the ideogram adding the idea of 'force and strength.' Whether this graphical a.s.similation is to be regarded as a factor in bringing about the identification of Nusku and Nabu, or is due to an original similarity in the traits of the two G.o.ds, it is difficult to say. Hardly the latter, for Nusku is a solar deity, whereas, as we have tried to show, Nabu is originally a water-deity.[284] But however we may choose to account for it, the prominence of Nusku is obscured by Nabu. As a solar deity, it is easy to see how he should have been regarded as a phase of the fire-G.o.d, and if the various other solar deities were not so regarded, it is because in the course of their development they were clothed with other attributes that, while obscuring their origin, saved them from the loss of their ident.i.ty. Apart from the formal lists of G.o.ds drawn up by Sargon and his successors, Shalmaneser II. and Ashurbanabal are the only kings who make special mention of Nusku. The former calls him the bearer of the brilliant sceptre, just as Nabu is so called; and again, just as Nabu, he is termed the wise G.o.d. The two phases of the ideogram used in his name--the sceptre and the stylus--are thus united in the personage of Nusku precisely as in Nabu. On the other hand, the manner in which Ashurbanabal speaks of him reflects the mythological aspect of Nusku. In the religious literature Nusku is the messenger of Bel-Marduk, who conveys the message of the latter to Ea. From being the messenger of Bel, he comes to be viewed as the messenger of the G.o.ds in general, and accordingly Ashurbanabal addresses him as 'the highly honored messenger of the G.o.ds,' but, combining with the mythological the more realistic aspect of Nusku, refers to him also as the one who glorifies sovereignty and who, at the command of Ashur and Belit, stands at the king's side to aid in bringing the enemies to fall. As for the fire-G.o.d Gibil, with whom Nusku is identified, we have merely a reference to a month of the year sacred to the servant of Gibil in a pa.s.sage of the inscriptions of Sargon.[285]

Bel-Marduk.

From the time that the a.s.syrian rulers claimed a greater or small measure of control over the affairs of Babylonia, that is, therefore, from about the twelfth century, they were anxious to make good their claim by including in their pantheon the chief G.o.d of Babylonia. The a.s.syrian inscriptions prove that, as early as the twelfth century, the theoretical absorption on the part of Marduk, of the role taken by the old G.o.d Bel of Nippur, which was enlarged upon in a preceding chapter,[286] had already taken place. Marduk is not only frequently known as Bel, but what is more, Babylonia is the country of Bel, or simply Bel, and the Babylonians are referred to as 'the subjects of Bel,' or the 'humanity of Bel.' There can be no doubt that in all these cases Bel-Marduk is meant and not the older Bel. In the days of Ashurris.h.i.+s.h.i.+ we already come across the t.i.tle 'governor of Bel,' that to the latest days remains the official designation for political control over the southern empire. So general is this use of Bel for Marduk that the latter name does not occur until we reach Shalmaneser II., _i.e._, the ninth century. There seems to be no reason to question, therefore, that even when Tiglathpileser I. applies to Bel t.i.tles that certainly belong to the older Bel, such as 'father of the G.o.ds,' 'king of all the Anunnaki,' 'who fixes the decrees of heaven and earth,' he means Marduk, a proof for which may be seen in the epithet _bel matati_, 'lord of lands,' which follows upon these designations and which, as we saw, is a factor in the evolution of Marduk into Bel-Marduk.[287] The importance that Tiglathpileser I., and therefore also his successors, attached to their control over the old southern district, is shown by his according to Bel the second place in the pantheon, invoking him at the beginning of his inscriptions immediately after Ashur. The control over Babylonia was an achievement that stirred the pride of the a.s.syrian rulers to the highest degree. Its age and its past inspired respect.

Besides being the source of the culture that a.s.syria possessed, Babylonia had sacred a.s.sociations for the a.s.syrians, as the original dwelling-places of most of the G.o.ds wors.h.i.+pped by them. The old sacred centers like Ur, Nippur, Uruk, Sippar, with their great temples, their elaborate cults, their great storehouses of religious literature, and their great body of influential priests and theologians and astrologers were as dear to the people of the north as to those of the south; and in proportion as these old cities lost their political importance, their rank as sacred centers to which pilgrimages were made on the occasion of the festivals of the G.o.ds was correspondingly raised. Hence the value that the a.s.syrian rulers attached to the possession of Babylonia. They do not like to be reminded that they rule the south by force of arms.

They prefer, as Tiglathpileser I. declares, to consider themselves 'nominated by the G.o.ds to rule over the land of Bel.' They want to be regarded as the favorites of Bel, and they ascribe to him the greatness of their rule. It is he who fulfills the wishes of the kings; and when the kings enter upon a campaign against Babylonia, as they frequently did to quell the uprisings that were constantly occurring in the one or the other of the southern districts, they emphasize, as Shalmaneser II.

does, that he enters upon this course at the command of Marduk. They set themselves up as Marduk's defenders, and it must be said for the a.s.syrian rulers that they were mild and sparing in their treatment of their southern subjects. They do not practise those cruelties--burning of cities, pillage, and promiscuous slaughter--that form the main feature in their campaigns against the nations to the northeast and northwest, and against Elam. They accord to the Babylonians as much of the old independence as was consistent with an imperial policy. The internal affairs continue for a long time to be regulated by rulers who are natives of Babylonia, and it is not until a comparatively late day--the time of Sennacherib--that in consequence of the endless trouble that these native rulers gave the a.s.syrians through their constant attempt to make themselves independent, it became customary for the a.s.syrian kings to appoint a member of the royal house--a son or brother--to the lieutenancy over Babylonia. As for the cult, the a.s.syrian kings were at great pains to leave it undisturbed, or where it had been interrupted to restore it, and thus secure the favor of the southern G.o.ds. So Shalmaneser II. upon the completion of his campaign enters Marduk's great temple at Babylon, E-sagila, and offers prayers and sacrifices to Bel and Belit, _i.e._, Marduk and Sarpanitum. From E-sagila he crosses over to Borsippa, and pays homage to Nabu and to Nabu's consort, whom he calls Nana.[288] The kings are fond, especially when speaking of the Babylonian campaigns, of slipping in the name of Marduk after that of Ashur. With the help of Ashur and Marduk their troops are victorious. Marduk shares Ashur's terrible majesty. At times Shamash, or Shamash and Ramman, are added to form a little pantheon whose a.s.sistance is invoked in the Babylonian wars. From being used in restricted application to Babylonian affairs, Ashur and Marduk came to be invoked in a general way. Esarhaddon expressly sets up the claim of being the savior of Marduk's honor, as a kind of apology for proceeding against Babylonia with his armies. Sargon, to emphasize his legitimate control over Babylonia as well as a.s.syria, says that he has been called to the throne by Ashur and Marduk, but Ashurbanabal goes further even than his predecessors. He proceeds to Babylon on the occasion of the formal installation of his brother Shamash-shumukin as viceroy of the district, enters the temple of Marduk, whom he does not hesitate to call 'the lord of lords,' performs the customary rites, and closes the ceremonies by a fervent prayer to Marduk for his continued good will and blessing.[289] The great G.o.ds Nergal, Nabu, and Shamash come from their respective shrines to do homage to Marduk. Ashurbanabal's brother Shamash-shumukin, when he attempts as governor of Babylon to make himself independent of his brother, endeavors by means of sacrifices and other devices to secure the favor of Marduk, well aware that in this way he will also gain the support of the Babylonians. On another occasion, incidental to a northern campaign, Ashurbanabal mentions that the day on which he broke up camp at Damascus was the festival of Marduk,--an indication that the Babylonian G.o.d was in his thoughts, even when he himself was far away from Babylonia. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanabal, when approaching the sun-G.o.d to obtain an oracle, make mention of Marduk by the side of Shamash. There are, however, a number of pa.s.sages in the a.s.syrian inscriptions in which when Bel is spoken of, not Marduk but the old G.o.d Bel is meant.

Bel.