Iranian Influence on Moslem Literature Part 11

For the History of the Arabs of that period Tabari has used a variety of other sources, most prominent among them being Muhammad Ibn Ishak who is better known as the biographer of the prophet. In this section of Tabari's great work mediately or immediately a large amount of diverse information has been brought together.

It is certainly desirable and to be hoped that the criticism of the sources in this domain would make substantial progress. But the point of greatest moment even here is to test every incident or piece of information according to its origin and credibility as I have endeavoured to do in the footnotes.

APPENDIX VI

_LETTER OF TANSAR TO THE KING OF TABARISTAN._

Christensen, by the following reasoning, comes to the conclusion, that it was written somewhere between 557 and 570.

Among the sources of our knowledge of the Sasanian inst.i.tutions, one of the most important is the letter of Tansar to the king of Tabaristan published and translated by Darmesteter in the _Journal Asiatique_ (1894). The information which it gives on points where we can verify it is so exact that we cannot doubt that the letter was composed in the time of the Sasanians. On the other hand, on the first reading of the epistle I formed the impression that it was a literary fiction dating from the time of Khusro when the tradition made of Ardes.h.i.+r the model of political sagacity and the founder of the entire organisation of the empire. The letter impressed me as a historical, theological, political and moral dissertation which in the shape of a correspondence between the grand Herbed Tansar and the king of Tabaristan, ill-informed regarding the new state of affairs and hesitating to submit himself to Ardes.h.i.+r, was calculated to instruct contemporaries. It, therefore, fits in with the entire literature of the _Andarz_ type, which was developed under Khusro and the object of it was the moral instruction of the people. A more minute examination has confirmed me in this view and now I think I am able to affirm positively that the letter was composed under Khusro I. Tansar relates that Ardes.h.i.+r softened the penalties for crimes against the religion. Formerly, "they used to put to death without hesitation those who set aside the religion of the State. But Ardes.h.i.+r has directed that the accused shall be arrested and shall be catechised during a year and only if that proves of no effect he shall be killed." As a matter of fact, the rigorous ordinance which awarded the punishment of death for apostacy could not have existed before Parsism became with Ardes.h.i.+r the State religion. The relaxation of punishment, on the other hand, dates from a much later period, when the standpoint of greater humanity began to be prevalent and when it was attempted to give greater authority to these views by attributing them to the celebrated founder of the dynasty. And we can say the same thing with reference to the less severe punishment for crimes committed against the State and in respect of other things mentioned in the letter. Besides, the tolerance in matters religious and the humanity of Khusro I are well-known.

Now let us look at the incident of succession. According to the letter Ardes.h.i.+r did not like to choose his successor lest the latter should wish for his death. So, he arranged for the succession in the following manner. The king only left in his royal letters a few counsels or instructions to the grand _Mobed_, the commander-in-chief, and the princ.i.p.al secretary, and after the decease of the king the latter were to proceed to elect a successor from among the royal princes. If they all were not of the same mind the choice should rest with the grand _mobed_ alone. But Aides.h.i.+r had made a formal notes that he was not going to establish a president thereby, and that "in another age a manner of looking at things different from ours may appear the proper one." In the first place such an arrangement accords ill with the nature of a statesmen like Ardes.h.i.+r, for we know from Tabari who follows the official chronicle of the times of the Sasanians, that Ardes.h.i.+r as well as Shapur I and II themselves chose their respective successors. But in the times between Ardes.h.i.+r II and Kawadh the election of the king was generally in the hands of the n.o.blemen, and the system mentioned by Tansar may well have suited this period and been in harmony with the singular expression ascribed to Ardes.h.i.+r that the system in question was not a definite one, and that in other periods, other manners might be more convenient. It seems to us that the letter of Tansar was composed at a period when the memory of the system of Ardes.h.i.+r was still living although it had already been abolished. In other words, it was the time when the kings had gained the power to nominate their successors during their life-time, which brings us to the period between Kawadh and Hormum IV.

The letter makes Ardes.h.i.+r say "None but the subject kings who do not belong to our House can a.s.sume the t.i.tle of king barring the wardens of the marches of the territory of the Allans and the districts in the west and of Khwarzm." By the oppression 'the warden of the matches' we must understand no doubt the _marzbans_ of the countries established by Khusro.

Finally, the geographical notices permit us to determine in a more exact fas.h.i.+on the time of the origin of the letter.... The letter was consequently, composed after the march of Khusro I towards the East by the destruction of the Hephthahtes, but before the capture of Yemen.

that is to say, between 557-570.

Christensen finally notes that Marquart has arrived at the same conclusion, by another way, namely, that the letter is a fiction of the time of Khusro I. (See _Eranshahr_ page 30, note 2).

APPENDIX VII

_Some Arabic authors and the Iranian material they preserve._

_IRANIAN MATERIAL IN THE UYUNAL AKBHAR OF IBN QOTAIBA_.

[_Note,_--Brockelmann's edition of the _Uyunal Akhbar_ is not accessible to me in India. I have carefully examined the first volume of the Cairo Edition and the following will show the wealth of Iranian material comprised in the book.--G.K.N.]

When the Kisra died this was reported to the Prophet who inquired who was going to succeed the dead emperor and when he was told his daughter, the princess Buran, the Prophet declared that the nation could not prosper inasmuch as its affairs depended upon a woman. (p. 11).

[Sidenote: Next-of-kin marriage.]

I have read in the _Book of the Persians_ an epistle written by Ardes.h.i.+r, son of Babak to his subjects declaring that the ecclesiastical authorities were the upholders of the religion and that the warriors were the bearers of the casque and literature, and were ornaments of the empire and that the agriculturists were pillars of the country. (p. 15).

[In the course of the epistle there is a reference to marriage of next of kin, the king exhorting his subjects to _tazauwa-ju-fil qarabayn_.]

[Sidenote: _Kitab Ain_ or the Pahlavi _Ain-nameh._]

[Sidenote: a.n.u.s.h.i.+rwan's rule.]

I have read in the _Ain_ that a king of Persia said in his address to his people: "I am only the ruler of people's bodies, not their minds; and I govern with justice, not according to my pleasure; and I safeguard people's property, not their secrets." Furthermore, the Persians say the most efficient of rulers is he who draws the bodies of his subjects to fealty to him through their hearts. When a.n.u.s.h.i.+rwan appointed a person to an office he directed his secretary to leave out in the appointment order a s.p.a.ce of four lines so that he may fill it up with his own hand, and when the appointment order was brought to him he would write in it "govern the good people by love, and for the common people mix liberty with awe and govern the proletariat with levity." (p. 15).

And it is said in the _Book of the Persians_ that the hearts of the people are the treasuries of the king, so that whatever is put there should be made known to him. (p 17).

[Sidenote: The _Taj._]

And I have read in the _Taj_; Said Aberwez to his son s.h.i.+ruya who had put him into prison, [and here follow some views relating to the treatment of soldiers.]

And in one of the _Books of the Persians_ it is stated that Ardes.h.i.+r said to his son, "Oh, my son, the empire and the religion are two brothers which cannot do the one without the other. For the religion is the foundation and the empire is the guardian and whatever has no foundation falls and whatever has no guardian to look after it goes to waste" [And then proceeds to advise him as to the treatment of the n.o.bles, warriors, the clergy, etc. Then are described the five qualities essential in a man occupying a post in the imperial government]

And it is said in the _Taj_ that Aberwez wrote to his son s.h.i.+ruya from his prison.... (p. 20)

And I have read in the letter ... Aberwez wrote to his son s.h.i.+ruya, [and here follow instructions regarding the three qualifications necessary in a revenue officer.] (p. 21)

[Sidenote: The _Taj._]

I have read in the _Taj_ that one of the kings of Persia took counsel with his _Wazirs,_ [and here follows a discussion about the necessity of confiding one's secret to one man only and not more.] (p. 25)

[Sidenote: Epistle of Aberwez.]

I have read in the Epistle of Aberwez to his son s.h.i.+ruya who was imprisoned by him,[here follows the advisability of taking counsel with a certain cla.s.s of people.] (p. 30).

[Sidenote: Marzbans.]

One of the kings of Persia, when he consulted the Marzbans and they did not give their opinion in a proper way, summoned those who were entrusted with provisioning the Marzbans and punished them. The latter complained that the error was on the part of the Marzbans whereas the punishment was awarded to them and the king replied that was so, and that the Marzbans would not have committed the error unless their minds were not dependent upon their food.

[Sidenote: Buzurjamaher.]

[Sidenote: Books of the Persians.]

[Sidenote: Ideal Persian Secretary]

Says Buzurjamaher, "When you are in doubt as to the propriety of doing one of two things then look out for the one which is nearest to your desires and relinquish it." (p. 23). And it is said in the _Books of the Persians_, [and here follows one of the most frequently repeated injunctions about the strict guarding of one's secrets.] (p. 40.) The Persians were in the habit of saying that the person would be deficient as a writer who was not conversant with the nature of flowing waters, with the digging of ca.n.a.ls, with mirage, with the length of days as to particular seasons, with the rising of the new moon, and its effects, with weights and measures, with mensuration, triangles, squares, and measurements of areas involving various angles, with the preparation of channels and bridges and water mills, with the implements of artisans, and with the intricacies of mathematics. (p. 43).

[Sidenote: Mobedan-Mobed]

I have read in one of the _Books of the Persians_ that the _Mobedan-Mobed_ in eulogising the art of writing said etc ... (p. 47).

[Sidenote: Epistle of Aberwez.]

I have read in the Epistle of Aberwez to his son s.h.i.+ruya. [Then follows an advice about severely punis.h.i.+ng even a small piece of dishonesty.]

(p, 58).

[Sidenote: The _Taj_.]

I have read in the _Taj_ that Aberwez said to the treasurer [here follows some observations on integrity.]

[Sidenote: Persian sense of justice and equity.]

I have read in the _Ain_ that it behoves the ruler to understand the jurisdiction of rightful justice, of justice which is not equity, of equity which is not justice, and to use his judgment with regard to evidence and eyewitnesses, and to refrain from doubtful matters. Since it is both justice and equity to kill a person for the slaughter of a person, and it is justice without equity to kill a master for the slaughter of a slave, and it is equity without justice to award the same punishment for a crime committed by a sane man as to one who was not in his senses. (p. 88).