Iranian Influence on Moslem Literature Part 2

[Footnote 1: As regards philosophical traditions of Sasanian Persia in the Musalman epoch princ.i.p.ally we may refer to the influence of the system of "_Zervanism_" on the adherents of the system of "_Dahar_", de Boer 15 and 76.]

[Footnote 2: See my studies on the _Ain-Nameh_.]

[Footnote 3: See my book on _Materials from Arabic Sources for Culture History of Sasanian Persia_.]

[Footnote 4: Fihrist 315.]

A different kind of importance attaches to histories devoted to government and national life of the Sasanian period and to the epic and literary tradition of Persia. Their value as history has been acknowledged and appreciated by the progressive circles of the Musalman community. Contemporary researches directing the greatest attention to this aspect of Iranian movement appreciated its value and thanks to their works, we are enabled to speak with some clearness regarding books of exceeding importance. Traces of ancient Iranian epic tradition are observable in some Greek writers, Ktesias, Herodotus, Elian, Charen of Mytelene and Atheneus. But it has survived in a considerable quant.i.ty in the Avesta.[1]

[Footnote 1: The princ.i.p.al works for investigating the Persian historical and literary tradition are, besides the introduction to his edition and translation of the Shah-Nameh by Mohl, Noeldeke's German _History of the Persians, and Arabs at the time of the Sasanians_, his introduction, and his Iranian national epic G.I.Ph. II, 130--212; Baron Rosen, _On the question of the Arabic translations of the Khudai Nameh_ (Paraphrase by Kirst in W.Z.K.M.X, 1896); H. Zotenberg, History of the Kings of Persia by Al-Thalibi, Arabic text with translation, especially Preface, XLI-XLIV. A number of profound ideas and ingenious suggestions are made in the various articles and reviews by Gutschmid. (See Appendix V, p. 141).]

The most recent and pregnant exposition is by Lehmann.

It existed also in official writings of the Sasanian times, recensions of which, we possess in several Arab histories and in the Shah Nameh.

Like the scientific literature these writings were subjected to a final redaction towards the close of the Sasanian dynasty and it is this recension that has mainly come down to posterity. Alongside of official writings of a general character, there existed various books of epic-historical contents, for instance, the _Yadkari-Zariran_.[1] As in these writings, so in the versions appearing from them at later times, the materials embodied were of a kindred nature, like the Romance of Behram Chobin, Story of Behram Gor, the narrative of the introduction into Persia of the Game of Chess. Besides these there were writings relating to local histories. It is noteworthy that the epic element was and is preserved with persistence by the Parsis. Mohl notes that the majority of Persian epic poems, excepting the Shah Nameh, has been preserved only in ma.n.u.scripts belonging to Parsis[2]. Farther development of this phase of Persian literary tradition bifurcated into two directions. It has been shown that the official chronicles of the Sasanian times exercised influence on the development of the Musalman science of history. On the other hand, the epic was resuscitated in heroic romances and tales[3]. Alongside of the historical traditions and the epos stands the romantic poesy which has entered into Musalman literature in a marked degree in the shape of Iranian tradition. At the time this species of poetry prospered in Arabic literature there was a strong Persian influence and some of its representatives were undoubtedly inclined to Persian literary motifs, for instance, the Shuubite Sahal Ibn Harun.[4]

[Footnote 1: We refer mainly to the epic cycle of Soistan for the views of the authorities on which see Mohl (LXII) and Noeldeke _National Epic_, 80-81. As a supplement to the bibliography furnished by Noeldeke see V. Rugarli, the _Epic of Kershasp_, G.S.A.I., XI, 33-81, 1898.]

[Footnote 2: LXVII, note 2.]

[Footnote 3: On the process of the latter nature see Mohl LXXII ff.

Regarding one of the princ.i.p.al representatives of the later stage of this development see Abu Taher Tarsusi, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1, 115.]

[Footnote 4: Fihrist 120, 1-13. For this kind of poetry see Fihrist 306, 8-308, 14, and compare also the books characterised at page 314, 1-7.]

To the same type of literary monuments we have to add the vast field of story literature. Although a considerable portion of it belongs to the province of migratory subjects, and although to Persia belongs often only the role of the transmitter, nevertheless, collections of stories of this cla.s.s undoubtedly had their a.s.signed place in the Sasanian epoch and the dependence of the core of the _Thousand and One Nights_ on the Persian stories collected in the _Hazar Afsan_[1] is indisputable. We shall not, therefore, stop here further regarding facts which have been decided more than once. We will only observe that in connection with the Persian literary age of the Sasanians we have to indicate a series of works of the character of epic tales arisen from the ancient historical period of the western boundary of Persia and representing "stories of the Babylonian kingdom" which have been enumerated among the books of this cla.s.s and also among Persian books,--a circ.u.mstance which proves that these tales originated in Sasanian literature. Finally, just as in historical and especially in narrative literature, Persian tradition survived to the Musalman times so also it continued to live in the writings of the ethico-didactical category. The importance of the Pahlavi translation of the book of _Kalileh and Dimneh_ for the migration of this collection of tales to the West is well-known. The significance of Pahlavi translations is not less evident with regard to the _Hazar Afsan_ in connection with the _Thousand and One Nights_.

Still Persian tradition in the field of ethico-didactic literature has been studied and appreciated much less than in the historical and story literature. We have now to examine a few questions in connection with the Persian tradition regarding the ethico-didactic literature of the early Musalman epoch. We shall devote the following chapter to its study.

[Footnote 1: Fihrist 304, 10-305, 2. Fihrist 306, 6; Fihrist 305, 7.]

CHAPTER III

The ethico-didactic books in the Fihrist (315, 19-316, 25) 38

They are almost exclusively of Persian origin 38

_ETHICO-DIDACTIC LITERATURE OF IRAN_

Opinion on the importance of the influence of ethical and didactical works of the Sasanian times on the literature of this cla.s.s of early Moslem epoch, generally speaking has been expressed in scientific works and has found admittance into a few general surveys of Persian literature. To the literary monuments go back a number of books on what is called _Adab_, good behaviour or agreeable manners, in modern Persian literature. Besides several literary monuments of later ages,[1] for the solution of this question, capital importance attaches to the information given in the _Fihrist_ of an-Nadhim which is the fundamental source of the history of entire Arabic literature bearing on our period.

Further on we shall draw upon this work with the object of determining this species of literary tradition in Arabic books of the first centuries of Islam.

[Footnote 1: P. Horn, Geschichte der persischen Letteratur, _(Die Letteraturen des Ostens in Finzeldarslellungen_ Bd VI) 38, and _Die Mittelpersische Letteratur_, 237.]

Great importance for this problem lies in that portion of the Fihrist which when first edited had elicited little interest, and where are enumerated the t.i.tles of books of ethico-didactic character, Persian, Greek, Indian, Arabic, by well-known authors and by anonymous writers[1]. We are aware that in the Fihrist there are partly Arabic, partly Persian, t.i.tles of books which have come down to us in a mutilated form, but at the same time some of them have reached us in their correct shapes and others are often easily restorable.

[Footnote 1: Fihrist 315, 19-316, 23.]

In this section of the Fihrist we have in all forty-four t.i.tles of books. Among them a large number can be directly traced to Persian origin and a portion were evidently written under Persian influence. To the first cla.s.s we have no hesitation in a.s.signing fourteen names of books, since as we shall see, two of them or possibly three pertain to one and the same work. We will examine these t.i.tles in some detail.

1. The first book is by Zadan Farrukh and is a testament to his son[1].

Although we are not able to recall a book of this t.i.tle among the Pahlavi literature that has come down to us, still the general character of this work is presented to us in perfect definiteness. It is undoubtedly one of the testaments or counsels, the so-called _Pand Nameh_ or _Andarz_, of a father to a son, or some one person to another, and the typical representatives of which in the Pahlavi literature appear to be the well-known book of testament of Adarbad to his son, the book of advice to his son by Khosro a.n.u.s.h.i.+rvan and the book of counsel to the latter by his Wazir, Buzurj Meher[2].

[Footnote 1: In the text the term is Zadan Farrukh, but Justi already in his _Iranisches Namenbuch_ in 1895 proposed the reading Zadan Farrukh.]

[Footnote 2: As regards the first, see my _Materials from Arabic Sources,_ page 68-69. For the second, West Pahlavi literature G.I. Ph.

II, 112. For the third, in Pahlavi verse West 113. For Musalman times see Schefer Chrestomathy 3-6 and Salemann and Zukovski, Persian Grammar page 41-49. Also compare _Melanges Asiatiques_ IX, 215. In Arabic Anthologies especially of the character of what is known as Furstenspiegel the maxims of this wise Wazir are very frequently quoted.

See for instance, _Sirajul Mulk_ of Tartus.h.i.+, also compare the bibliography in V. Chaubin, of Arabic works, Leige 1892, page 66.]

Alongside of this most celebrated _Pand Nameh_ in the Pahlavi literature are also famous a number of other a.n.a.logous literary monuments traceable to definite persons, while some are anonymous. They are of a nature, for instance, of a simple testament from father to son[1].

[Footnote 1: West 109-111, and 113-115.]

As we have already observed, and as we shall have occasion to speak further, this category of literary remains undoubtedly survived in the Musalman literature and partly in the literature of the Arabs. For the study of the Pahlavi literature this cla.s.s of tracts has already evoked attention and has called forth several editions and translations. We notice that their interest goes beyond that of Pahlavi literature proper and they are important also for the history of the literature of Musalman nations. Moreover, they are of interest from a general point of view, for the study of Musalman culture. In fact, by their very character these works are brief catechisms with no pretensions to abstract theoretical acquaintance with the sacerdotal tracts, composing another important section of Pahlavi literature, but immediately connected with the daily ordinary life. It goes without saying that whoever read them in the original, their interest did not lie in their theoretical character, but that they were rendered into Arabic and modern Persian languages with a view to the same practical end. Hence however monotonous they are,[1] whatever wearisome character these books possess, they are of great interest for the purpose of comparison with similar productions of Musalman literature and for the purpose of establis.h.i.+ng their influence in the unfolding of ethical ideas of the Musalman east, which are far from being clearly made manifest. This side of the question deserves, in my opinion, in these days ampler attention and research.

[Footnote 1: See Noeldeke "_Persische Studien_" II, S.B.W.A, 1892, 29, Noeldeke remarks, with reference to this cla.s.s of literature, "that the investigation of this fatiguing business demands an unusual amount of patience", see for instance, the comparison inst.i.tuted between ethical norm in the Parsi and in the Musalman Literature by Darmesteter in _Revue Critique_, 21, 1-8.]

2. The second book in the Fihrist is attributed to a _Mobedan-mobed_ that is, head of the Parsi clergy, who in Arabic texts is sometimes called simply Al-Mobedan and whose name was not understood by Flugel[1].

The same word is met with in a mutilated form in another place in the Fihrist[2]. (119-20).

[Footnote 1: Fugel took it for a dual, and consequently divided the name into two.]

[Footnote 2: The book next following is called _Kitab kay Lorasp_ and apparently it had to do with questions connected with Persian literary tradition.]

He is mentioned by Ali Ibn Rayhani, Arabic author, who stood in near relations.h.i.+p to the Khalif and who was partial to the Zindiks, that is, in this case, to the Dualists. He is a reputed author of several books among which there is one whose t.i.tle was restored by Justi in the _Namenbuch_[1]. The conjecture of Justi that this name should be read Mihr Adar Jushnas is fully supported by a sketch of it in a pa.s.sage of interest to us in the Fihrist. Justi hesitated to declare whether this was the name of the book or of its author. But in another place in the text this word is accompanied by the designation Al-Mobedan from which we can undoubtedly conclude that this book was ascribed to a particular person, the supreme _Mobed_ Mihr Adar Jushnas. Therefore, this t.i.tle of the book should be read as that of the book of Mihr Adar Jushnas, the Mobedan. This book stands at the head of the works we are considering in the Fihrist. Therefore, we can fully trace it to the Persian literary tradition.

[Footnote 1: _Namenbuch_ Mahr Adar Jushnes.]

3. Similarly there can be no scepticism regarding the individual nature of the book called the _Book of the Testament of Khusro to his son Ormuz_, the admonition given to the latter when he handed over to him the reins of government and the reply of Ormuz. Flugel already perfectly correctly noticed that by Kisra we must here understand Kisra a.n.u.s.h.i.+rvan. In this way in this book or in the first half of it we have certainly the _Andarz Khusro_, the celebrated work in the Pahlavi literature which has been preserved up to our times and which has been translated into the European languages.[1] It contains a number of counsels of Khusro to his son and occupies the place of importance in this species of literature. It is of a pseudo-epigraphic character.

[Footnote 1: See West, 112. The full t.i.tle is: _Andarz-e-Khusro Kavadan.

IV._]

4. With this book is identical another mentioned just there but a little further and ent.i.tled the _Book of Counsels of Kisra a.n.u.s.h.i.+rvan to his son_ who was called "a well of eloquence". In this way these third and fourth t.i.tles indicate one and the same book sufficiently known in the Persian literary tradition in which we are interested.

5. To the same category belongs another book ascribed to the Kisra. It is possible that in this book we have a treatise identical with the one referred to above as the book of the Testament of Khosro a.n.u.s.h.i.+rwan, since in several redactions his testaments are represented as advice to his son while in some they stand as admonition directed to the general public.[1]

[Footnote 1: Salemann, _Mittel-persische Studein, Melanges Asiatiques_, ix, 1888, 218.]

6. Under the sixth heading appears a _Book of Counsels of Ardes.h.i.+r Babekan to his son Sabur._ This work which was sufficiently known and made use of in the early Moslem period has not come down to us in the original Pahlavi. We know of the existence of a verse translation of this book in the Arabic made by Belazuri (Fihrist, 113 and 114).

Moreover, this work was considered as a model composition (probably as represented by Belazuri), and in this connection it was comparable (Fihrist 126, 15-19) to _Kalileh wa Dimneh,_ the Essays of Umar Ibn Hamza,[1] Al Mahanith,[2] the tract called _Yatima_ of Ibn al Mukaffa, and the Essays of Ahmed Ibn Yusuf, secretary of Mamun. In view of the importance attached to this and the following _risalas_ by the author of the Fihrist, it would be interesting to have their editions and translations.

[Footnote 1: A relative of the Khalif Mansur and Mahdi, a secretary of the former Fihrist, 118, 8-12. In the _Kitab al Mansur wal Manzum_ of Ahmed ibn Abi Taher (_vide_ Baron B.P. Rosen, _On the Anthology of Ahmed ibn Abi Taher_, Journal of the Russian Oriental Society, Vol. III, 1889, page 264). The essay probably referred to is called _Rasalat fi al Khamis lil Mamun_. (Or Rislat al Jaysh). See Fihrist, II, 52.]

[Footnote 2: This was probably the t.i.tle of the epistle of Umar Ibn Hamza to Ali ibn Mahan preserved by the same Ahmed ibn Abi Taher. As regards persons by the name of Mahan in the Musalman period see Justi _Namenbuch_ 185.]