Further Adventures of Quincy Adams Sawyer and Mason Corner Folks Part 2

"Are you going to send in Venton's name?"

"He is inexperienced."

"I know it, but he'll learn. If, following precedent, I become your successor, he will be of great help to me in certain lines."

There was a slight frown on the governor's face. "Mr. Williams, the present head of the department, has held it for many years, is a most efficient man, and I have heard no complaints."

"I know that," said his Honour, David Evans, "but he's getting old, and rotation in office is one of the principles of our Bill of Rights."

"I am well aware of that," said the governor, "but retention in office for good and efficient service is one of the principles of our civil service law."

Mr. Evans arose and flicked the ashes from his cigar upon the rich carpet which covered the floor.

"Am I to understand then that you will renominate Williams? Let me say now that there is strong opposition to him in the Council and he may fail of confirmation. Will you send Venton's name in then?"

"I think I should send Mr. Williams' name in again."

"But, suppose he is turned down the second time?" asked Mr. Evans.

"I think I should continue sending in his name until good and sufficient reasons were given for his rejection. This is not a voting contest between two nominees. I am convinced Mr. Williams is the best man for the place. Such being my opinion, to withdraw his name, would be a self-stultification, and, to speak plainly,"--and his jaw was firmly set,--"an acknowledgment that the Council is a stronger arm of the government than the Chief Executive."

Mr. Evans was evidently indignant. "Well, Mr. Venton is backed by men who contribute heartily for campaign expenses. If you can get along without their aid this fall have your man Williams," and Mr. Evans strode from the room with a curt "Good-morning."

The private secretary laid some papers on the governor's desk. The first one that he examined conferred certain valuable privileges, in perpetuity, upon a corporation without requiring any compensation for the franchise. The property thus alienated from public use had been paid for by the people's money. In response to a vigorous push on an electric b.u.t.ton, the private secretary appeared.

"Send for Senator Downing. I must see him immediately."

His Excellency thought, "How can the people's so-called representatives give away the property of the people so indiscriminately? It would not do to mention it, without proof, but I am convinced that all such public robberies are for private gain. Ah, good-morning, Senator."

Senator Downing was a short, heavily-built man, with dark hair, black eyes, and a jaw and chin indicative of bull-dog pertinacity.

"In your bill, Senate 513, I notice that the railroad Company is not called upon to pay for the great privilege conferred."

"Why should they? It simply gives them a quick connection with tide-water, and reduced transportation charges means lower prices."

"How will prices be regulated?" was the Governor's query.

"As they always have been," replied the Senator brusquely. "Supply and demand--"

"And by combinations called trusts," added the Governor. "Cannot some provision be made by which the Company will pay a yearly rental? It will reduce the burden of taxation just so much."

"Perhaps if you recommend it, some attention will be given it, but I should not care to prejudice my political standing by endorsing such an amendment."

"I will consider the question carefully," said Quincy, wearily, as he laid down the bill, and Senator Downing departed.

The next bill was what was called "a labour measure." It gave members of trade unions a right demanded by them, called "peaceful picketing;" in other words, during a strike, the right to use argument, persuasion, in fact any rightful inducement to keep a non-union man from working for the "struck" firm or corporation. The bill had been pa.s.sed by a majority of 48 in the House, and by the narrow margin of one vote in the Senate.

A tie had been expected when the President of the Senate, who was a prominent manufacturer was counted upon to kill the bill. If the Governor vetoed it, the Senate would probably sustain the veto, throwing the greater responsibility upon him, each member voting against the bill sheltering himself behind the veto. Thus do partisans play politics with the head of their party. While he was reading the bill the lieutenant-governor was ushered in again.

"Downing has been talking with me about his bill. He says you are going to veto it."

"I did not say so. I asked him his reasons for turning over public property for private use and gain, and he did not seem well-prepared to answer me."

Mr. Evans replied, "The best reason, to my mind is, that the heaviest tax payers, members of our party, are all in favour of the bill."

"Are they numerous enough to elect a governor who will do their bidding?"

"Perhaps not, but their money is powerful enough to do it"--he paused--"if it becomes necessary."

The Governor arose, and Mr. Evans, influenced by the action, did the same. The two men faced each other.

"Mr. Evans," and the Governor seemed to increase in stature, "I fully understand your last remark--if it becomes necessary. You shall have an open field. I prize the great honour that has been conferred upon me by placing me here, but I must confess I dislike the duties, circ.u.mscribed as they are by personal and political influences. I can understand, now, why a ruler wishes to be an autocrat. It is the only way in which he can make his personality a part of his body. I shall not be a candidate for re-election this autumn. I wish my personal freedom of action, and I prize it more than fame or power."

"May I mention your decision to the leaders of the party?"

"If you so desire. From this moment I am to be untrammelled except by my official oath."

Mr. Evans took his leave, evidently pleased with a part of what he had heard, and in a short time was closeted with some leading politicians in a private room of a prominent hotel.

The Governor resumed his reading of the labour bill, but was aroused from his contemplation of its provisions by the entrance of Mr. Amos Acton. Mr. Acton was secretary of a manufacturer's a.s.sociation. He was tall and spare. His hair was sandy in hue, and his mouth twitched nervously.

"Your Excellency, I came to see you about that picketing bill. If it becomes a law our manufacturers will be driven from the State. They are now seriously handicapped by the vigorous provisions of existing laws. I trust your Excellency will not add to our present burdens."

"I have read the bill, Mr. Acton. It seems conservative, with full provision for the protection of life and property."

"That's not the question. When Union men strike we must have the Non-Union men to fill their places; but this bill says the Non-Union man shan't work."

"It says the Union man may persuade him, peacefully, not to work."

"We all know what that means. If he does work, he will be called a 'scab' and his family will be ostracized in every possible way."

"It is hard to draw the line," said the governor. "You say, or imply, that every man has a right to work for whoever will employ him. Granted.

But do you always give him work when he wants it? Do you pay him what he asks, or do you not fix the rate of wage? You must realize the fact that collective bargaining has superseded dealing with the individual."

"Some of us do not allow that," said Mr. Acton.

"I know it, and that causes the difficulty. Your relations with your employees should be based upon trade agreements, legalized and strongly adhered to by both sides."

"I have just come from a meeting of leading manufacturers," said Mr.

Acton, "and they wished me to express to you their urgent request, I may say solicitation, that you will veto this bill."

After Mr. Acton's departure, Quincy rang for his secretary, to whom he delivered the papers containing his official decisions.

Mr. Williams was renominated for the position that he had so long and so ably filled.

As members of "The Industrial Expansion Commission" nine manufacturers were named, one for each of the leading industries of the State, chosen independent of known or presumed political affiliations; Mr.

Collingwood's name was not among them.

A vigorous veto of the bill giving a private corporation control of public property was sent to the Senate.