London and the Kingdom Volume I Part 21

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The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in revolt; this time under the leaders.h.i.+p of an Irish adventurer-Jack Cade-who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which the rebels intended to amend.(841) Notwithstanding the boldness of this answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.(842)

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The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (_fundibula_) of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his n.o.bles coming into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.(843) On the 26th June the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his movements.(844) Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men to be selected from each ward to a.s.sist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack the house of Philip Malpas.(845) Cade himself encouraged rather than restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London stone.(846) It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise they would never have effected an entrance so easily-"They had othyr men with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."(847) The matter was made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not.

William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that thereupon Thomas G.o.dfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys and opened the gates.(848)

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On Sat.u.r.day, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night, returned to the city. Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.

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By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leaders.h.i.+p of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself, lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,(849) and died the same night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set up on London Bridge.

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The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.

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The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these n.o.bles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him, made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,(850) and to this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the 6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the 1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example was made of one of the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little good.(851)

The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devons.h.i.+re and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452).

Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.

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For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word.

Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably have provoked disturbance in the city.(852)

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Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.(853)

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Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for a.s.sistance towards putting Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to that end.(854) This did not prevent a further application being made early in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were besieged.(855) Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the losses they had sustained by seizure of their s.h.i.+ps and merchandise by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.(856) An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.(857) An appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of 1,200 for the same purpose, met with similar failure.(858)

The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that when, in November of this year, an a.s.sessment of half a fifteenth was made on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were in default.(859) Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of money to the king, of which more than 3,000 remained in the latter year due to the city.(860)

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A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the majority of the n.o.bles were opposed to him, he had on his side the powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.(861)

The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these n.o.bles in the city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of the city at large. The _waytes_, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good humour (_pro recreacione hominum_), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between the inhabitants and those in the suite of the n.o.bles.(862)

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The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief s.p.a.ce there seemed a possibility of the regency being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a similar compliment to the Duke of York.(863) At length the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what subject we know not,(864) but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.(865)

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So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's recovery.

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Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.(866)

The king, who was at the time at Coventry-whither the queen had caused him to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of the Yorkist party-sent for alderman Cantelowe,(867) a mercer, and promptly committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.

This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the understanding that they should be allowed to ply their business without molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested and committed to Windsor Castle.(868)

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On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city-"the king's chamber"-the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach of the peace.(869)

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Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over 30 s.h.i.+ps, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London, to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain s.h.i.+ps then lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from Hull.(870)

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In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two rival sections of the n.o.bility, and to this end ordered a great council to meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais, and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged stavis."(871) He took up his quarters within the city, where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's walls.(872) During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day, whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to a.s.sist the aldermen in preserving the king's peace.(873) The times were critical, but at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.

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In August the civic companies were warned against furnis.h.i.+ng the confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and harness at the disposal of the king alone.(874) It wanted very little to kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In November(875) a riot occurred at Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him.

Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters of the disaffected lords.

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In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor, William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his freedom.(876)

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By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force. Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath (23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.

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On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent the citizens do not appear in the City's records.(877) The business of the session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and judgment was pa.s.sed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the king and a.s.sure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its safe custody.(878)

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The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to a.s.sist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.(879) This gift must have been the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was "gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst hara.s.sing the king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."(880)

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