London and the Kingdom Volume II Part 8

The 50,000 which the City had advanced went but a little way towards meeting the king's necessities. The two armies in the north had to be paid, and there was not the wherewithal to pay them. The City was ready to lend a further sum of 25,000, on condition that the Londonderry estate was restored, the garrison in the Tower removed and the ordnance dismounted from its walls. Unless this were done, said Cradock, "such jealousies would possess the city, it would hinder supply."(426) Parliament agreed to the loan being repaid, as a first charge, out of the 100,000 ordered to be raised for the relief of the army and northern counties;(427) and the Common Council lost no time in preparing a pet.i.tion to parliament for the restoration of the Irish lands.(428) Nor was it only in their corporate capacity that the citizens came forward to render pecuniary a.s.sistance to the government. On the 21st November Isaac Pennington, alderman of the ward of Bridge Without, and one of the city's representatives in parliament, announced to the House that his const.i.tuents had subscribed 21,000 to the loan.

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The general feeling of distrust that prevailed was heightened by an attack made upon a member of the House who, in his capacity of a justice of peace, had prepared a list of recusants, in pursuance of a recent proclamation.(429) So great was the alarm among the Commons that Pennington offered the House a guard of three hundred citizens, and at first there was a disposition to accept the alderman's offer, but in course of time better counsel prevailed and the idea was abandoned.

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The tendency of the city towards Puritanism at this time was very marked.

On the 28th November Prynne and Burton entered London, and their entry was made one long triumphal procession. This circ.u.mstance was specially noted by the royalist writer Clarendon as a remarkable "instance of the unruly and mutinous spirit of the City of London," which he is pleased to term "the sink of all the ill humour of the Kingdom."(430) A fortnight later (11 Dec.) a pet.i.tion for church reform and the abolition of episcopacy "root and branch" was presented to parliament, signed by 15,000 Londoners.(431) The blow was aimed at Laud, who was looked upon as the cause of all the country's trouble. That day week (18 Dec.) the archbishop was impeached.

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When the meetings held at Ripon between English and Scottish commissioners for the purpose of negotiating a treaty ceased (Oct. 1640), it was on the understanding that they were to be resumed in London. The Scottish commissioners accordingly came south, and were lodged in the city in a house adjacent to the church of St. Antholin, where they were visited by a large concourse of citizens and magnificently entertained.(432) It was with no little satisfaction that the success of the Scots had been watched by the majority of the inhabitants of the city, and now that the northern commissioners were in their midst the citizens took the opportunity of showing them substantial marks of favour.

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On the 12th January, 1641, the Scottish demands were formally submitted to parliament, but they were not taken into consideration until the 22nd.

After much debate it was agreed in general terms that a "friendly a.s.sistance" should be given, leaving the amount and the manner of collection for future consideration.(433) In the meantime the Speaker, Lenthall, had written (15 Jan.) to the mayor directing him to summon a Common Hall for the purpose of raising a loan of 60,000 required for the army, and the Common Council had agreed (18 Jan.) that the amount should be collected from the wards.(434) But before this could be accomplished an incident occurred which threatened to jeopardise the loan. This was the reprieve of John Goodman, a Roman Catholic priest, who had been condemned to death. The morning after parliament had agreed to raise money for the Scottish commissioners alderman Pennington rose in the House and declared that, in consequence of Goodman's reprieve and other suspicious circ.u.mstances, the City had resolved to lend nothing.(435) The Lords as well as the Commons followed the initiative of the alderman and made a joint demand for the execution of the condemned priest. As he had often done before, Charles again threw over the Catholics. He announced his intention not to allow the increase of Popery or superst.i.tion in the country; he would forthwith issue a proclamation commanding Jesuits and priests to leave the kingdom within a month, and he was willing to submit the case of Goodman to the decision of both Houses.(436) Fortunately for Goodman, the City and the Commons had higher game to fly at in Strafford, and the humbler priest was allowed to remain unmolested in prison.

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On the 6th February the Speaker addressed a second letter to the mayor to the effect that the money was required sooner than it could be collected by way of subsidies, as formerly suggested to his lords.h.i.+p, and that consequently the House had directed him to take steps for having 60,000 raised by subscription and paid into the Chamber of London, to be at the disposal of parliament.(437) The money not coming in so speedily as was desired, the Speaker wrote a third time (19 Feb.) to the mayor, directing him to summon a Common Hall and to lay before it the extreme urgency of affairs.(438) The chief cause of the delay in getting in the money was the dissatisfaction felt in the city at Strafford's trial being put off so long. The 17th February being at last fixed for his trial, there was some hope that the money would speedily now be forthcoming,(439) and the same day the Commons commissioned Sir William Uvedale to go to the lord mayor and get an order for receiving the money that had been collected up to 50,000.(440) Three days later the Court of Aldermen made out the necessary order for the Chamberlain to pay over the money.(441)

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Again there was delay in bringing Strafford to trial, and it was not until the 22nd March that he was arraigned in Westminster Hall, where alone room could be found for the crowds that were anxious to witness the proceedings. The mayor took steps to prevent a rush of people to Westminster and to suppress any riot that might arise. From five o'clock in the morning until nine at night a double watch was kept at the city's gates and landing stages on the river. The trained bands were held in readiness, whilst servants and apprentices were ordered to keep indoors.(442) At the end of three weeks a Bill of Attainder was brought in and read a first time (10 April), and on the 21st April it was read a third time and pa.s.sed.(443) The Lords would willingly have let matters rest here, but the discovery of a design entertained by the queen of bringing the defeated English army from the north to Westminster to overawe the parliament, and likewise of an attempt made by Charles to get possession of the Tower that he might liberate Strafford by force, hurried the unfortunate earl's end. The citizens were determined not to rest until his head was off his shoulders, and 20,000 Londoners signed a pet.i.tion addressed to both Houses (24 April) demanding his execution on the ground that he had advised the plundering of the city and putting it to fine and ransom.(444) The Peers deemed it advisable to give way. They pa.s.sed the Bill of Attainder and on the 12th May Strafford was beheaded.

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The Lords had another pressing reason for giving way, for until the citizens were a.s.sured that the full penalty of the law would be executed on Strafford they determined to stop payment of the loan. Writing to Matthew Bradley on the 3rd May, the treasurer of the army tells him "a strange story." "There is," he says, "money ready in the city, but none will be delivered until justice be done upon my lord of Strafford."(445) On that very day, the letter continues, there had been a crowd of 10,000 well-to-do persons at Westminster-"citizens of very good account, some worth 30,000, some 40,000" demanding justice against Strafford and threatening to send their servants the next day unless justice were speedily executed. "Truly these unsettled times do much trouble me."

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The discovery of the so-called "army plot" had in the meanwhile led to a preamble being drawn up to a doc.u.ment known as the "Protestation," or declaration in favour of the reformed religion, in which the danger from the army was for the first time clearly mentioned. The Protestation pa.s.sed the Commons on the 3rd May,(446) and on the following day received the a.s.sent of the House of Lords. On the 11th May a printed copy of this doc.u.ment was introduced into the Court of Aldermen, when it received the willing a.s.sent not only of the aldermen present, but also of the Town Clerk and the City Remembrancer.(447) On the 29th it was accepted by the Common Council, and two days later the mayor issued his precept for a house-to-house visitation to be made in every ward for the purpose of getting all the inhabitants of the city to give in their adherence to it.(448)

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Although the execution of Strafford somewhat allayed the nation's fears of having "two armies brought into the bowels of the kingdom," they were soon revived by a second army plot. The armies thus became a constant source of danger as well as expense, and it was determined to disband them. Charles could not withhold his a.s.sent, and a poll tax was established for the purpose of raising the necessary funds. This was in July (1641).(449) The masters and wardens of the livery companies were forthwith called upon to make a return in writing of the names of every person who had been and then was master and warden of each company; the names of all the livery, yeomanry and freemen of each company, noting in the margin of the return those who had ever been fined for alderman or sheriff, and the parish and ward in which each individual member of the company resided. Every alderman was likewise instructed to make a return of the names of his deputy and common councilmen of his ward; the names of every merchant-stranger that kept house there, every English merchant and factor, and every popish recusant; and finally the names of everyone in the ward above the age of sixteen years not otherwise rated.(450)

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On the 3rd February the House had come to a resolution that the sum of 300,000 might justly be appointed as a "friendly a.s.sistance and relief"

for the Scots. The manner in which it was to be raised was left for further consideration.(451) It was now arranged that 80,000 of that sum should be at once paid over to them, and that on August the 25th they should cross the Tweed. The City was called upon to find 40,000-or one-half of the amount immediately required-by Wednesday, the 28th July.(452) By order of the House of Commons (29 July) it was to be repaid with interest out of the poll money when levied.(453) So eager were the citizens to contribute towards the work of ridding the country of the Scottish forces before Charles should have an opportunity of using his powers of persuasion upon them that there was a difficulty in getting a sufficient number of tellers to receive it.(454)

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In addition to this heavy drain upon their resources, the citizens were called upon by the House of Commons (31 July) to forthwith pay the sum of 3,000 which they had undertaken to advance, upon the public faith of the House, towards "the furnis.h.i.+ng of the queen-mother of France in her journey out of the kingdom."(455) Ever since October, 1638, Mary de Medicis had resided at St. James's Palace, and had caused no little discontent by her intermeddling in the affairs of the country and the favour she displayed towards Catholics. On her first arrival in London the citizens had accorded her a hearty welcome.(456) The acknowledgment that Charles subsequently made of his gratification at the City's action on this occasion was rendered somewhat ungracious by his requesting that a gift of the value of 1,000, "or thereabouts," should be made to the queen-mother in further demonstration of the City's love. After communicating with the Common Council the Court of Aldermen agreed to present her with a cup of the value of 800, "or thereabouts."(457)

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Charles had determined to set out for Scotland on Monday, the 9th August, in spite of every effort to get him to postpone his journey. So great indeed was the fear of danger likely to be incurred if he carried out his intention at this juncture that the House of Commons determined to sit on Sunday to contrive measures for avoiding the threatened risk-a proceeding which they publicly declared they would never have adopted, "but upon inevitable necessity, the peace and safety both of Church and State being so deeply concerned."(458) In answer to a fresh appeal Charles consented to put off his journey for one day, and on Tuesday (10 Aug.)-the day on which the treaty with the Scots was finished and the queen-mother left England-he set out for Scotland.

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On the 28th August, when all danger in the north appeared to have pa.s.sed away and Charles had visited both armies without appealing to them for a.s.sistance, parliament decided to adjourn from the 8th September until the 20th October. The Commons were in need of rest after the excitement of the session, and the necessity for an adjournment was increased by another visitation of the plague,(459) which had already driven many members home without leave. The day preceding the adjournment was appointed to be kept as a day of thanksgiving for the peace; and, pursuant to an order of both Houses, the mayor issued his precept for shops to be closed and for the inhabitants of the city to attend divine service, after which bells were to be rung and bonfires lighted.(460)

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Before the Commons separated they delivered (26 Aug.) their judgment upon a pet.i.tion(461) which the City had prepared for them in January touching its estate in Londonderry, of which it had been deprived in 1635 by sentence of the Court of Star Chamber. That pet.i.tion set forth the unwillingness of the City to undertake the work of the Ulster plantation.

It had only been undertaken at the late king's earnest desire, and subject to special articles, the City absolutely refusing to be bound by the general articles drawn up by his majesty for ordinary undertakers. The Irish Society and the companies had expended more than 130,000 (exclusive of money laid out by tenants) on their estate "in hope to have in the future enjoyed some benefitt of their great cost and charge." The city of Londonderry and the town of Coleraine had been rebuilt, and the castle of Culmore repaired and entrenched. Fifteen churches had been either built or repaired, besides a "very fair" church and free school which had been erected in Derry at a cost of more than 4,000. Roads had been made which had converted one of the most barbarous places in the kingdom into one of the most civilised. The society and the companies, the pet.i.tion went on to say, had enjoyed this estate without interruption until Hilary Term a 6 Charles I (1631), when the Attorney-General, Sir Robert Heath, exhibited an information against the mayor, commonalty and citizens of London and divers individuals, suggesting that they had possessed themselves of the said lands and taken the profits before any grant was made to them, and that they had a greater quant.i.ty of lands than was intended to be pa.s.sed by the grant, and had by indirect means procured divers privileges to be inserted in the grant for which the Attorney General who pa.s.sed the grant had no warrant. Evidence of witnesses had been taken on the matter, but before the cause came to a hearing this information was dropt and another exhibited in Hilary Term a 8 Charles I (1633) against the pet.i.tioners and the Irish Society, in which new charges touching infringement of conditions of Letters Patent were inserted, and upon these pretences the Irish Society was adjudged by sentence of the Court of Star Chamber in Hilary Term a 10 Charles I (1635) to pay a fine of 70,000 and to lose their estate on the ground that the said Letters Patent had been "unduly and surrept.i.tiously obteyned to the prejudice and deceipt of his majestie." The companies refused to surrender their estates, and divers lands belonging to the City and to the Bridgehouse were seized to satisfy the fine, to the great prejudice of the City. Being otherwise unable to redeem themselves from the penalty of the Star Chamber sentence, the companies were forced to consent to relinquish their Irish estate and all arrears of rent, amounting to 20,000. A _scire facias_ was brought in and judgment allowed by default, whereupon the companies lost their estates, whilst the mayor and commonalty and citizens of London, although not parties to any patent or plantation-having done no more than lend their name for the better transaction of the business and for the purpose of raising money for the plantation, which otherwise could never have been effected-were fined 70,000. Seeing that the matter reflected so badly upon the justice of the late as well as the present king, the pet.i.tioners humbly prayed that a full investigation of the whole proceedings might be made and justice done.

Such was the nature of the pet.i.tion which the Common Council ordered in January (1641) to be submitted to parliament. The House had its hands too full to pay much attention to the City's grievance until recently; but now, within a fortnight of their adjournment for a well-earned rest, the Commons declared(462) the sentence in the Star Chamber to have been unlawful and unjust. They declared that, in the opinion of the House, the citizens of London had been solicited and pressed to undertake the plantation of Londonderry, that the king had not been deceived in the grant to the new corporation of the Irish Society, that no breach of covenant (if any there were) had been committed sufficient to cause a forfeiture of the lands, that the Star Chamber proceedings were _ultra vires_, and that the citizens of London and all those against whom judgment had been given in the _scire facias_ should be discharged of that judgment and reinstated as they were before the sentence in the Star Chamber.

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Before the Houses again met, Richard Gurney, a man of the same royalist proclivity as Garway, and on that account, perhaps, described by Clarendon as "a man of wisdom and courage," had been elected mayor in succession to Edmund Wright.(463) The last days of Wright's mayoralty were days of sickness and tumult in the city. Numbers of disbanded soldiers from the north had made their way to London, where they carried on a system of rapine and outrage. The mayor issued precepts for search to be made in every ward for suspected persons and disbanded soldiers, as well as for keeping the streets well lighted at night by candle and lanthorn, whilst public proclamation was made by the king for soldiers to repair to their own homes.(464)

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Shortly after the House of Commons had resumed its session attention was again drawn towards Ireland, where a rebellion had broken out. Seeing how successful Scotland had been in its resistance to England, the Irish had determined to strike a blow for the recovery of lands handed over to Protestant colonists, as well as for religious liberty. Charles himself had held out hopes of greater freedom to the Irish Catholics, who saw no reason why they should be worse treated than the rebellious Puritans of Scotland. The scene of ma.s.sacre and cruelty which followed has been described by others, and remains to this day (in the words of Carlyle) "a huge blot, an indiscriminate blackness, one which the human memory cannot willingly charge itself with."

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As soon as news of the outbreak reached parliament, application was forthwith made to the City for a.s.sistance. On the 3rd November lord mayor Gurney issued his precept(465) to the aldermen informing them that on the previous day divers lords and others of both Houses of Parliament had come to the Common Council and asked for a loan of 50,000 at eight per cent.

Seeing that the matter was of so great importance, each alderman was desired to take steps in conjunction with his deputy and common councilmen of his ward to get liberal contributions made towards the loan.(466)

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The att.i.tude of the City now became more marked. Whilst consenting to find the money required, it asked parliament that the persons of the Catholic lords might be secured, and that the bishops, who were the cause of every good measure being defeated in the Upper House, might be deprived of their votes. It had a minor grievance in the custom that had arisen of members of both Houses granting their servants "protections" against creditors, a procedure extremely prejudicial to the city merchant and tradesman, and one which they would willingly see remedied.(467)

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The City's declaration against the bishops, which Dr. Gardiner(468) characterises as being "the turning point in the struggle," augured badly for Charles. Nevertheless, he had friends in the city. The new mayor was a strong royalist, as also were the majority of the aldermen, and they took the opportunity of Charles paying his first visit to the city (25 Nov.) since he ascended the throne to demonstrate their loyalty. On the 17th the Court of Aldermen appointed a committee to make the necessary arrangements,(469) whilst the mayor issued his precept the same day to the civic companies to prepare a certain number of their livery, well horsed and apparelled, to a.s.sist him in escorting the king and queen from the church of St. Leonard, Sh.o.r.editch, to the Guildhall on the morning of the eventful day, and thence, after the banquet, to Whitehall.(470) The Common Council agreed that the cost of the entertainment at the Guildhall should be defrayed by the Chamber.(471)

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On the king's approaching the northern suburbs of the city, whither the mayor and citizens had gone to meet him,(472) he was welcomed by the Recorder. There was some talk of presenting the king with a gift either of money or plate,(473) but the proposal fell through. "We tender to you,"

said Sir Thomas Gardiner, "no formal present; it would but lessen us; I am sure whatever it were it would be far short of our meaning."

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It was of the utmost importance to Charles to win over the city to his side if he could-"The loans of the London citizens alone had made it possible for the House of Commons to disband the armies; and without the loans of the London citizens the House would find it impossible to provide for a campaign in Ireland," and thus place itself in a position of military supremacy.(474) Accordingly, in a speech carefully prepared beforehand,(475) he expressed his gratification at finding that the better cla.s.s of citizens were still loyal. "I see," said he, "that all those former tumults and disorders have only risen from the meaner sort of people, and that the affections of the better and main part of the city have ever been loyal and affectionate to my person and government." He proceeded to a.s.sure his hearers of his determination to maintain the true Protestant religion as established by Elizabeth and James, and he hoped with the a.s.sistance of parliament to re-establish the trade of the country. But what pleased the citizens perhaps more than anything was a promise he made to restore to them their Londonderry estate-at that moment in the hands of the rebels, but soon, he hoped, to be recovered. The Recorder was expressly commanded to wait upon his majesty and see that this promise was punctually performed.(476)

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By way of further showing his favour Charles knighted both the Mayor and Recorder on the spot. He afterwards expressed his gratification at the reception that the City had accorded him,(477) and conferred knighthoods upon both of the sheriffs and five of the aldermen.(478)

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