London and the Kingdom Volume II Part 18

On the 19th a deputation of Lords and Commons waited on the Common Council and informed them that both Houses had a.s.sented to their wishes. In return for this favour parliament expected that the City would secure them from tumult and insurrections, and "did now put themselves really and truly into the hands of the city." The court was at the same time a.s.sured that parliament meditated no alteration of the fundamental government of the kingdom by king, lords and commons, that it was resolved to stand by the solemn league and covenant and preserve the treaties between England and Scotland.(864)

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Once more at an important crisis in England's history all depended upon the att.i.tude of the city of London. "The key of the situation was in the hands of the city, which had it in its power to paralyse the army by simply maintaining an att.i.tude of pa.s.sive resistance."(865) But great as was the detestation in which the army was held by the majority of citizens, their distrust of the royalists, should they regain the upper hand, was greater. Under the circ.u.mstances the City resolved to maintain its att.i.tude of standing by parliament, and gave its a.s.surance to both Houses that it was ready "to live and die with them according to the solemn league and covenant."(866)

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Four days later (23 May) the City presented a pet.i.tion to both Houses in which, after acknowledging the joy and comfort they had derived from the recent announcement made to them that parliament was resolved to make no const.i.tutional change in the government of the kingdom by king, lords and commons, and other matters conducive to peace, the citizens prayed that the Houses would release their Recorder, the aldermen and the rest of the citizens that were still imprisoned in the Tower. The Commons replied by at once ordering the release of Glyn and nine other prisoners, and promised to take into consideration the release of the aldermen, which was a more serious business, in a week's time.(867)

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Parliament was the more anxious to conciliate the City inasmuch as a royalist rising had already taken place in Kent (21 May). On the 26th May a deputation from the Commons waited on the Common Council with a request for an immediate advance of 6,000. A portion of the money was to be devoted to the payment of Fairfax's soldiers, "to enable them to march out," and give place to the city's own force under Colonel West. The money was at once voted,(868) and Fairfax, after giving orders for securing Southwark, proceeded to occupy Blackheath, the place appointed for the rendezvous of the insurgents.

(M436)

Whilst Fairfax was engaged in putting down the rising in Kent the royalist party in the city was not inactive. On the 30th May a pet.i.tion was presented to the Common Council, purporting to emanate from "divers well affected citizens and other inhabitants" of the city, desiring the court to approach parliament with the view (_inter alia_) of bringing about a personal treaty with the king and appeasing the Kentish insurgents "by way of accommodation and not by any engagement in blood."(869) Contrary to its usual practice the court consented to forward the pet.i.tion to both Houses, which it did on the 1st June, with the result that a deputation from parliament waited on the court that same afternoon with a verbal reply.

The precise terms of the reply are not recorded. We are only told that after a "full and large declaration" made by the parliamentary members, the council expressed itself as completely satisfied.(870)

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An appeal was made the same day (1 June) by a certain section of the inhabitants of the city for a Common Hall to be summoned. The appeal was made to the Common Council. The court took time to consider the matter.

After consulting the law-officers it was eventually agreed not to accede to the request, on the plea that, although it was in the power of the court to a.s.semble the livery for the election of public officers and other purposes as might be necessary for the public good of the city, it was neither fit nor convenient to summon them at the present juncture on account of the present distraction and distempers of the city and places adjacent.(871)

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Two days later (3 June), when a deputation from parliament again appeared before the Common Council with the news that the insurgents were making their way to Blackheath under the leaders.h.i.+p of the Earl of Norwich, otherwise known as "Lord Goring," and asked that the Militia Committee might speedily raise what force it could for the protection of parliament and the city, the opportunity was again taken of pressing the Houses for the release of the aldermen, an act which they were a.s.sured "would give good satisfaction to the city and very much quiet their minds."(872) That same afternoon the Commons resolved to proceed no further with the impeachments of the aldermen, and on the 6th they were set free by order of the House of Lords.(873)

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Parliament could not well have done otherwise, unless they wished to lose their main support-the support of the City; for although the Earl of Norwich found the city's gates shut against him, as was to be expected with Warner occupying the mayoralty chair and Skippon in command of the trained bands, there was, as we have seen, a considerable party in the city who favoured the royalist cause and would gladly have trusted Charles if they dared.

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Nor were the munic.i.p.al authorities themselves adverse to the restoration of the king, but such restoration must be effected on their own terms.

Again and again they called upon parliament to open a personal treaty with Charles. On the 22nd June the Common Council directed a pet.i.tion to both Houses to be drafted, thanking them for setting the aldermen at liberty, and praying them to allow the king to come to some house near parliament where negotiations might be carried on.(874) The pet.i.tion was submitted to both Houses on the 27th June, and was well received.(875) The Commons, in reply, declared that they were using their best endeavours in the interest of peace, and they had already appointed a committee to consider what further offers could be made to the king, as well as of "time, place and other circ.u.mstances for convenience of address to be made to his majesty."(876)

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A week later (5 July) the Common Council introduced to the House of Lords another pet.i.tion, in which the officers of the trained bands of the city made a similar request for a personal treaty to be made with the king in London, and not only repeated a former request made by the City itself that the London regiments might be a.s.sociated with those of the adjacent counties, but asked that the force thus formed might be furnished with a contingent of cavalry. To all these requests the Lords gave a ready a.s.sent.(877) The Commons, however, to whom a similar pet.i.tion was presented the same day, whilst signifying their a.s.sent to the amalgamation of the trained bands, left the other matters for further consideration, and appointed a committee to confer with the Common Council and the officers of the trained bands the following afternoon.(878)

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The question to be considered was the steps to be taken for the security of the king's person in the event of his taking up his quarters in London for the purpose of negotiating. The Common Council, for their part, undertook in such an event to venture their lives and fortunes in defending his majesty against all violence according to the covenant, and appointed a committee to confer with the parliamentary committee and with the military officers as to the best means of enabling them to carry out this engagement.(879)

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By the 11th July the committee was in a position to report to the Common Council the result of the conference so far as it had gone.(880) The parliamentary committee had propounded seven questions bearing upon the terms of the City's engagement to protect the king against violence pending negotiations, and its intentions as to the king's person in the event of such negotiations falling through. To these the city committee had made replies (now submitted to the council for approval), and had added certain propositions to the parliamentary committee to enable the City the better to carry out its engagement. The first two of these related to the amalgamation and increase of the militia; the third asked that, pending negotiations, no force should be allowed to come within thirty miles of London, and that riot and tumult raised in the city during that period after proclamation made should be met with a death penalty; and the last that if parliament so willed no one who had ever taken up arms against it should be allowed within thirty miles of London without leave. Both the answers and proposals of the city committee were alike approved by the council, and a house-to-house visitation was organised for the purpose of getting names subscribed to the city's engagement.

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The demand for a death penalty on rioters in the city was not unwarranted.

There were not wanting signs of disaffection even in the ranks of the city's militia. So recently as Sat.u.r.day, the 8th July, the Speaker himself, whilst being escorted to his coach by a company of soldiers, had been insulted by one in the ranks, who cried out to the surrounding mob "that now he was out of their charge they [the mob] should tear him in pieces."(881) A few days later (12 July) some prisoners of war were rescued in the streets of London by the mob, and the lord mayor received a sharp reprimand for not keeping better order in the city.(882) The Commons, in consequence, resolved that no more prisoners should be brought to London.(883)

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It was known that about this time secret enlistments were being carried on in the city, and that horses were being despatched out of the city by twos and threes to a.s.sist the royalists. It was also reported that an attempt was about to be made to seize the Tower.(884) The majority of the inhabitants, nevertheless, remained faithful to parliament, and the Speaker took the opportunity of a pet.i.tion addressed to both Houses (12 July) from "divers well-affected magistrates, citizens, ministers and other inhabitants" of the city and parts adjacent, praying them to enter into no treaty without proper a.s.surances for the maintenance of the covenant,(885) to compliment the aldermen and great magistrates of the city on their courage and fidelity. It was a pet.i.tion-the Speaker said, addressing the deputation-for peace, and such peace as the House and all honest men desired. It had come at a most seasonable time, when parliament was the object of much abuse and men dared not own their true opinions.

The pet.i.tion was the more valuable from the quality of the pet.i.tioners-"divers aldermen and great magistrates of the city of London, many reverend ministers, who have always held close to the cause, and others, the gentlemen of birth and quality that have less valued their blood than the hazard and loss of so n.o.ble an undertaking." On behalf of the Commons he returned them real and hearty thanks, a.s.suring them that the House approved of the pet.i.tion and the matter thereof, and that in prosecuting the peace it would take care to preserve the religion, laws and liberties of all those who have been constant to these ends.(886)

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On the 18th July the City caused two pet.i.tions to be presented to both Houses, one of which asked for an impost to be laid on Newcastle coals, and the other repeated the old request for an amalgamation of the city's militia with that of the neighbouring counties. To the first no answer was vouchsafed. To the second the Commons replied that the matter had already been referred to a committee; whilst the Lords directed an ordinance to be drawn up pursuant to the wishes of the pet.i.tioners. The pet.i.tion relative to the militia was met by a counter-pet.i.tion from "divers well-affected citizens of London and inhabitants in and about the same," the authors of which the Common Council wished to discover.(887)

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In the meantime enlistments of horse and foot had been to such an extent carried on clandestinely in the city, under pretext of the parliamentary powers granted to Skippon, that the munic.i.p.al authorities began to get nervous. Servants and apprentices were reported to have enlisted one another at all hours of the night, and to have issued spurious commissions. Against the continuation of such proceedings, which threatened the city with danger, the authorities pet.i.tioned both Houses (22 July). The Lords consented to revoke a commission granted to Skippon to raise a troop of cavalry for the protection of parliament, independently of the Committee of Militia; the Commons, on the other hand, determined to let the order stand.(888) The civic authorities thereupon yielded to the entreaties of the inhabitants of the city, and resolved (27 July) to raise a troop of horse on their own account to be subject to the orders of the Militia Committee alone. On the 29th they again pet.i.tioned the Commons.(889) That day being Sat.u.r.day the House appointed a committee to confer with the Common Council on the following Monday afternoon, and undertook to put a stop to irregular enlistments in the future.(890)

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When Monday came a deputation from the Commons duly appeared and explained the reasons for continuing Skippon's commission and the measures that were to be taken to prevent irregular enlistments. Several letters were read for the purpose of demonstrating the dangers with which the country was still threatened, among them being one from a royalist agent in London, in which the writer informed his correspondent of the progress of the royalist cause in the city. "We are in this city," he declared, "generally right; only Skippon makes some disturbance by listing horse and foot, which, though inconsiderable to what we have listed for us, yet we hope not only to null his listing, but out him from his being general of this city. The Lords have already done something, but wait for some further encouragement from hence, to which purpose the Common Council are about framing a pet.i.tion."(891) The reading of this letter appears to have had a diametrically opposite effect upon the members of the council than was antic.i.p.ated, for they still insisted upon the withdrawal of Skippon's authority under which the irregular enlistments were carried on. The Commons, however, refused to be moved from their former resolution.

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On the 2nd August a letter from the Prince of Wales, who had recently arrived with a fleet off Yarmouth, was read to the Common Council. The letter had been forwarded to its destination by the company of merchant adventurers, and contained a copy of the prince's declaration to the effect that he was approaching the sh.o.r.es of England to settle religion in accordance with the terms of the agreement between his father and the Scots, to restore the king to his throne, and to bring about an act of oblivion and the disbandment of all armies.(892) He had recently seized several merchantmen in the Downs-one alone being valued at 20,000-and he asked the Common Council to pay him that sum to a.s.sist him in his enterprise, promising on receipt of the money to set the vessels free.(893)

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On hearing this letter and declaration read the council forthwith appointed a committee to draw up a pet.i.tion to parliament, in which they repeated their request for a speedy personal treaty with the king so as to put an end to the present troubles and miseries. After sending for the original letter the Commons directed (3 Aug.) the City to make no reply to the prince until the House took further order, and the next day declared all who aided the prince, by sea or by land, to be traitors and rebels.(894)

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Disappointed at the way in which the news of the arrival of his fleet had been received by the City, the prince lent a more ready ear to proposals from Scotland, and on the 16th August declared his acceptance of the terms offered. It was still believed by many that as soon as he should raise his standard in the north the Presbyterians in the city would openly avow themselves in his favour, and rumour had gone so far as to name the commanders of their forces. "The lords and the city," wrote one of Rupert's correspondents, "understand each other, as also the reformadoes, that are considerable-8,000 in number."(895)

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On the 29th August the City was asked by a committee of the House of Commons to send money, corn or biscuit to the value of 20,000 for the relief of the army in the north, and to take active measures for getting in all arrears of a.s.sessments due for the army of Fairfax.(896) But although the City so far acceded to this request as to take immediate steps for getting in arrears of a.s.sessments, recent events-and notably the successes of Cromwell and Fairfax at Preston and Colchester, as well as the seizure of London s.h.i.+ps and interference with London trade-had rendered the citizens anxious that parliament should come to an understanding with the army.(897)

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On the 4th September a deputation from parliament appeared before the Common Council and asked for a loan of 10,000, to be paid by weekly instalments of 2,000, to enable the House to proceed with negotiations with the king. The nature of the security to be given for the loan was practically left in the hands of the city provided it lay within the power of parliament. The request was unanimously granted, bonds under the city's seal being offered as security to those willing to make advances.(898)

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The prospect of negotiations being opened at all with the king was distasteful to the radical party or "Levellers" in the city, and a pet.i.tion was laid before the Commons on the 11th September calling upon them as the supreme authority in the realm to shake off all control exercised over them by the House of Lords, and to render kings, queens, n.o.bles and all persons alike subject to the law of the land. The pet.i.tioners finally asked the House to consider seriously "whether the justice of G.o.d be likely to be satisfied or His yet continuing wrath appeased by an Act of Oblivion."(899)

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This pet.i.tion had little effect upon the House, and preparations were rapidly pushed forward. Fifteen commissioners were appointed, of whom Glyn, the Recorder, was one,(900) to go to Newport in the Isle of Wight for the purpose of opening negotiations with Charles, who was allowed to take up his quarters in that little town on parole. The commission held its first sitting on the 18th September, it being understood that negotiations were to continue for forty days and no more. They, however, continued to be carried on long after the allotted time.