London and the Kingdom Volume II Part 24

The friendly att.i.tude of the City towards Monk, and its recent hostile att.i.tude towards parliament-some of the Common Council, we are told, had been "very high" at the last court, and refused to pay taxes until the House should be filled up(1139)-was so marked that the Rump determined upon dissolving the Common Council, although it commended the "discreet carriage" of the lord mayor in conducting the business of the court.(1140) Not content with this the House went further, and ordered troops to be quartered in the city "for reducing the city to the obedience of the parliament." The city's gates and portcullises, moreover, were to be removed, and eleven citizens, including an alderman, were ordered into custody.(1141)

(M585)

The unenviable task of seeing these orders executed was, by a clever stroke of policy, committed to Monk himself. There was no alternative open to him but to obey, and to carry out the orders of parliament with as little friction to the citizens as was possible. No sooner had he taken up his residence in the city for this purpose than he was asked by the mayor to delay removing the city's gates until the matter should be communicated to the Court of Aldermen.

(M586)

A special court having been summoned Monk attended in person (10 Feb.) and informed the members of the commands that had been laid upon him by parliament touching the city's gates and portcullises. Being told that the execution of such commands would be "of very ill consequence both to parliament and the city" the general could only reply that the commands of the House were so positive that he could only hold his hand on one condition, and that was that the city should acknowledge the Rump that so he might have ground for writing to and mediating with the House. The court was allowed to consider the matter whilst Monk withdrew. Upon his return he was informed that the Court of Aldermen could not speak on behalf of the whole body of citizens, "and that the Common Council being now disabled to meet, there was none in capacity to do it." But, said his excellency, the Court of Aldermen might declare their own minds? Again Monk withdrew, only to be told, however, on his return that the court was of opinion that their doing so "would not at this time be a service either to the parliament or city."(1142)

(M587)

The next day (11 Feb.) the Court of Aldermen again met. Monk, too, was there. He had just despatched a letter to the Speaker of the House complaining of the invidious work he and his soldiers had been set to do-a work which served only to bring them into discredit with the city-and peremptorily demanding that every seat in the House should be filled up by the following Friday (17 Feb.) as a preliminary to the calling together of a new parliament. When the aldermen heard of this letter they were delighted, and ready to accede to anything Monk might suggest. He proposed quartering troops in the city "for a few days." The aldermen raised no objection, but asked his excellency to utilise as far as possible the inns and public victualling houses, "so as may be least offence to the citizens."(1143) They even displayed a readiness to give up their own houses to the use of the general and his officers, and promised that his soldiers should lack nothing.(1144) On his quitting the court such a shout was raised of "G.o.d bless your excellency" as had been seldom heard.

Bonfires were lighted that evening from Cheapside to Temple Bar, bells were set ringing, and rumps carried in mock procession and solemnly roasted in token of the approaching dissolution of parliament. So great was the hospitality offered to the soldiers that most of them got gloriously drunk.(1145)

(M588)

The next day being Sunday (12 Feb.) Monk, whose wife had joined him in his lodgings in the city, attended morning service at St. Paul's, and in the afternoon went to a church in Broad Street, probably that of St. Peter le Poor, in the neighbourhood of his lodgings.(1146)

(M589)

On Monday (13 Feb.) he held a conference with the mayor and aldermen at Drapers' Hall, a stone's throw from where he lived, with reference to the peace and safety of the city. Alderman Atkin, a member of parliament, was sent for to be informed of "sundry matters of great danger to the city,"

of which information had reached the ears of the Court of Aldermen, and which he was to communicate to the House. But particulars are not recorded.(1147)

(M590)

The Council of State were far from being pleased with Monk for taking up his quarters in the city, and repeatedly urged him to leave the city for Whitehall, where they could keep a better watch on his movements. They particularly desired his company at Whitehall on Tuesday morning for the purpose (they said) of consulting him on matters relating to public safety, and in order that they might have an opportunity of communicating to him the recent proceedings of parliament.(1148)

(M591)

Monk was in no hurry to quit the city. On Wednesday (15 Feb.) he sent for Alderman Fowke to say that he purposed marching out of the city with his forces on the following afternoon, but that in so doing he had no intention of receding from his promise to secure the safety of the city.

He would also endeavour to bring about a right understanding between parliament and the city. Fowke having reported this to the Court of Aldermen there was great alarm, and a deputation was despatched, with Fowke at its head, to beg the general to let his soldiers remain in the city "if it may consist with his trust." Word was brought next day to the court that in the event of his excellency quitting the city he would leave behind two regiments for its safety, and that if the court would give him the names of persons fit to be officers he would endeavour to get two regiments of their own appointed by parliament.(1149)

(M592)

Instead of quitting the city Monk only changed his quarters to the house of William Wale, alderman of the ward of Farringdon Without, whither he caused his goods to be removed from Whitehall, as to a more or less permanent residence.(1150) There he remained, holding frequent interviews with the leading citizens and preparing to carry into effect the project of restoring the king.(1151)

(M593)

In the meanwhile parliament had been busy completing the bill for the qualifications of electors and candidates for the new parliament, and on the day fixed (17 Feb.) by Monk writs were ready to be issued. According to the qualifications pa.s.sed by the House, no one could be elected a member of the forthcoming parliament unless pledged to support a republican form of government. As this meant the exclusion of the members shut out by Pride's Purge in 1648 it gave rise to much dissatisfaction, and Monk was appealed to. A deputation of the sitting members met a deputation of the excluded members at Monk's new quarters, when it was decided that the Presbyterian members shut out by Pride's Purge should again be allowed to take their seats. Four days later (21 Feb.) they attended parliament at Monk's invitation and were admitted without opposition.

The day pa.s.sed off without any disturbance, although it was feared that the "secluded" members might attempt to force their way into parliament.

It was also feared that if such an attempt were made it would be backed up by some inhabitants of the city. The council had therefore asked Monk to take precautions for securing the freedom of parliament as well as maintaining peace within the city.(1152)

(M594)

The recent order of parliament dissolving the Common Council of the city was declared null and void, the munic.i.p.al authorities were allowed to set up the city's gates and portcullises again, and the imprisoned citizens were liberated.(1153) That night was a joyous one in the city. Bells were rung and bonfires were lighted, so that the sky was ablaze with illuminations, "a most pleasant sight to see."(1154)

On the 28th February-a day set apart for public thanksgiving-Monk was invited to an entertainment at Grocers' Hall in honour of the restoration of a full parliament and of the Common Council of the city; but party spirit was so rife that it became necessary to warn the general against receiving anything that he might hear "as the sense of the city."(1155) Bonfires were forbidden to be lighted in the city that night by order of the Council of State, lest some discontented spirits might seize the opportunity to raise a disturbance.(1156)

(M595)

The day that the Common Council re-a.s.sembled (22 Feb.) it received a deputation from the restored House asking for a loan. With little hesitation the court voted a sum of 60,000 on the security of the monthly a.s.sessments. It was left to the aldermen, deputies and common councilmen of the wards to raise the money by subscription, and they were further instructed to take the best course they could for raising a sum of 100,000 upon the same account.(1157) It was subsequently (1 March) arranged that the sum of 27,000 should be advanced upon security of the six months' a.s.sessment, and in case the same should not be fully collected out of the a.s.sessment, the deficit, as well as the cost of repairing and setting up the gates, portcullises, etc., should be secured by Act of Parliament.(1158)

(M596)

The House acceded to the City's request that its militia might be placed in the hands of commissioners of its own choice. Monk himself was nominated by the Common Council (3 March) Sergeant-Major-General of the city's forces, a post which he signified his willingness to accept.(1159) The sooner the militia was settled the sooner would the city be rid of Monk's soldiers, of whose excesses the Common Council had had recent cause to complain.(1160) Armed once more with parliamentary powers, the commissioners for the militia of the city prepared to raise six regiments of auxiliaries and some cavalry, as well as a month's tax at the rate of 35,000 a month over England for their maintenance or "trophies."(1161)

(M597)

Having settled the militia of the kingdom as well as that of London, parliament-the Long Parliament, which during its actual or nominal existence for nearly twenty years had experienced every vicissitude of fortune-was at length dissolved (16 March) by its own act, and writs were issued for a fresh parliament to meet on the 25th April.(1162) The new parliament was known as the Convention Parliament on account of its members having been elected without the king's writs.

(M598)

Ten days after the dissolution of the Long Parliament there came to the Common Council of the city a deputation from the Council of State, in whose hands the sole government of the kingdom then lay, with a proposal to borrow the sum of half a million of money (500,000) upon the security of a moiety of the excise. The court, after deliberation, agreed (2 April) to lend a sum of money (amount not specified) to the Council of State upon security of the moiety of the excise "and the honour of the said Council of State," and ordered that subscriptions should at once be set on foot in the several wards.(1163)

(M599)

Scarcely had the House broken up before people began to talk freely of the king and his probable restoration, a subject on which they had hitherto dared only to speak in a whisper. So bold indeed did they become that on the very day of the dissolution a man came with a ladder to the Exchange-not "Royal," but "Great" Exchange-in the city and obliterated with a brush the inscription, _Exit Tyrannus Regum Ultimus_, which had been set up in August, 1650, near the site of the late king's statue, destroyed by order of the then Council of State, as already narrated.

Before the end of the month another statue was in course of making to take the place of the one that had been thus destroyed.(1164) As time went on, and Monk's design to bring in Charles became more apparent, the citizens grew yet bolder. The Skinners' Company went so far as to set up again the royal arms in their hall on the occasion of an entertainment given to Monk himself.(1165)

(M600)

Towards the close of April, when it was evident that the king's restoration was a mere question of time, the Common Council showed an anxiety to place on record an account of the att.i.tude taken up by the City, and to vindicate its action throughout the late troublous times. It appointed (26 April) a committee "to peruse the records of this court and report what of them are fit to be considered of, and their opinions thereupon; and also to prepare a narrative for the vindication of this court and city touching the same." The committee at once set to work, and in four days were ready with a draft of "a declaration and vindication of the lord mayor, aldermen and commons of the city of London in Common Council a.s.sembled," which received the approval of the court (30 April), and a printed copy of which was ordered to be sent to every member of parliament and Council of State.(1166)

After expressions of satisfaction at the thought of an end having been put to the distractions of the kingdom by General Monk, and at the hopeful prospect of a return to the old form of government by king, lords and commons, under which the country had so long prospered at home and been respected abroad, this declaration proceeded to disavow the various Acts of the Common Council as established in 1648, when, "in the general deluge of disorder introduced upon these kingdoms" in that year, the government of the city pa.s.sed into the hands of "men of loose and dangerous principles," who proceeded to pa.s.s Acts "tending to the murder of the late king and total extinguishment of kingly government," and who by no means were a fair representation of the city. It set forth various proceedings of the Common Council in connection with parliament and the city's Engagement to guarantee the personal safety of the late king from the 22nd June, 1648, down to the 13th January, 1649, when the lord mayor Reynardson was constrained to leave the council. The terms of this Engagement the City was prepared to carry out, "but it pleased Almighty G.o.d to permit their good intentions and endeavours to be frustrated by the destructive counsels and actings of those who had designed to build upp their dominion and fortunes on the ruin of the king and kingdom." The House of Lords was dissolved, and all the best members excluded from the House of Commons. By "pretended ordinances" of parliament, all those worthy citizens who, according to their allegiance and covenant, had engaged to procure and secure a personal treaty with the king, were rendered incapable to be elected into the Common Council or any other office of trust in the city.

What could be expected of a body thus emasculated? They declare themselves unable to find words to express their abhorrence of the proceedings that had taken place in the Common Council of the 13th January, 1649, and "profess their thankful memory of the n.o.ble gallant resolutions of the then lord mayor, Alderman Reynardson, and his brethren the aldermen, who so valiantly resisted the turbulent disorders of that _mechanicke juncto_ during many hours' a.s.sault and at last prudently retreated and washed their hands from the guilt of those b.l.o.o.d.y resolves." In conclusion they express a hope and trust that since the recovery of the right of free election the Common Council had manifested an eagerness to act cordially and strenuously with parliament in everything tending towards good government, and that soon, by the aid of the parliament recently convened, they would be put under the protection of the first and fundamental government of hereditary monarchy according to the ancient laws of the nation.

(M601)

The City's declaration and vindication was scarcely printed and published before a letter from Charles himself(1167) was brought to the Common Council by Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Grenville (1 May), in which the prince expressed a wish that the City should know how little he desired revenge and how convinced he was that the peace, happiness and security of the kingdom were only to be secured by gaining the hearts and affections of his subjects. He felt that he could count upon the City to a.s.sist him in re-establis.h.i.+ng those fundamental laws upon which the happiness of the country so much depended, and he avowed a "particular affection" for his native city, the charters of which he was not only ready to renew and confirm, but to grant such new favours as might advance its trade, wealth and honour.

(M602)

Enclosed in this letter was a declaration known as the Declaration of Breda, from the place where Charles had signed it on the 4th April (o.s.)(1168) It offered a general pardon to all except those specially exempted by parliament and promised liberty of conscience in matters of religion. Charles further expressed his willingness to leave questions of t.i.tle to estates acquired during the late troublous times to be decided by parliament. He a.s.sured the soldiers of arrears of pay and promised to continue them in his service on the same terms as they then enjoyed.

(M603)

The letter and declaration having been read (1 May), the Common Council returned thanks to Charles for his condescension towards the City, and expressed their willingness to submit to his majesty's government, in token of which the arms of the Commonwealth (he was informed) had already been taken down and orders given for those of his majesty to be set up. A committee was appointed to draw up a formal answer in writing for conveyance to Charles by the same hands that had brought his letter, provided parliament would allow the City to return an answer. The late king's statue, which had been removed from the Guildhall chapel, was to be forthwith set up again.(1169)

(M604)

Charles having shrewdly thrown upon parliament the burden of naming the terms on which his restoration was to take place, it became necessary that a parliament should meet forthwith. Another Convention Parliament had accordingly met on the 25th April. The declaration of Breda reached it on the 1st May, and on the following day it sent to borrow 100,000 from the City. The Common Council at once took steps for raising the money.(1170) One half of this sum was destined for the king's own use, and sorely he stood in need of it. Pepys, who had it from an eye-witness, records "how overjoyed the king was when Sir J. Grenville brought him some money; so joyful that he called the Princess Royal and Duke of York to look upon it as it lay in the portmanteau before it was taken out."(1171)

(M605)

The same day (2 May) that the Common Council undertook to raise the loan for parliament it voted on its own account a gift of 10,000 to Charles.

It also voted a sum of 2,000 for expenses in sending a deputation to the Hague; but it was subsequently resolved to divide the sum between the Dukes of York and Gloucester, and that the members of the deputation should discharge their own expenses. A further sum of 300 was voted for Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Grenville, the bearers of the king's letters, for the purchase of a ring apiece. The sum of 12,000 was raised among the livery companies on the understanding that this was an exceptional occasion and was not to be drawn into precedent.(1172)