Plutarch's Lives Volume III Part 9

The nature of Guerilla warfare in Spain may be learned from the history of the Peninsular War. The difficulties of a campaign in Navarre and the Basque provinces are well shown in the campaigns of Zumalacarregui, the Carlist chief, a modern Sertorius, whose extraordinary career was cut short by a chance ball before the walls of Bilbao, in 1835. (Henningsen, _The most striking Events of a Twelve-month's Campaign with Zumalacarregui_, London, 1836.)]

[Footnote 169: Metellus marched to another part of Spain, and left Pompeius to deal with Perperna. According to Appian's narrative the decisive action between Pompeius and Perperna took place "on the tenth day," probably the tenth from the death of Sertorius. Pompeius would not see Perperna after he was taken, and prudently put him to death.

"The death of Sertorius," says Appian, "was the end of the Spanish war, and it is probable that if Sertorius had lived, it would not have been terminated so soon, or so easily."]

LIFE OF EUMENES.

I. The historian Douris tells us that the father of Eumenes of Kardia was so poor that he was obliged to act as a waggoner; yet he gave his son a liberal education both in mental and bodily exercises. While Eumenes was yet a lad, Philip, King of Macedon, happened to come to the city of Kardia, where he amused his leisure time by witnessing the gymnastic exercises of the young men. Perceiving that Eumenes was one of the most athletic, and that he was a manly and clever boy, Philip took him away and attached him to his own person. A more probable story is that Philip gave the boy this advancement out of regard for his father, whose friend and guest he was. After the death of Philip, Eumenes continued in the service of his son Alexander, and was thought to be as wise and as faithful as any of that prince's servants. His position was nominally that of chief secretary, but he was treated with as much honour and respect as the king's most intimate friends, and was entrusted with an independent command during the Indian campaign. On the death of Hephaestion, Perdikkas was appointed to succeed him, and Eumenes was given the post of commander of the cavalry, vacated by Perdikkas. Upon this Neoptolemus, the chief of the men-at-arms, sneered at Eumenes, saying that he himself bore a spear and s.h.i.+eld in Alexander's service, but that Eumenes bore a pen and writing-tablets. However the Macedonian chiefs laughed him to scorn, as they well knew the worth of Eumenes, and that he was so highly esteemed that Alexander himself had done him the honour to make him his kinsman by marriage. He bestowed upon him Barsine, the sister of that daughter of Artabazus by whom he himself had a son named Herakles, and gave her other sister Apame to Ptolemaeus at the time when he distributed the other Persian ladies among his followers.

II. Eumenes however was often in danger of incurring the displeasure of Alexander, because of his favourite Hephaestion. On one occasion a house was a.s.signed to Evion, Hephaestion's flute-player, which the servants of Eumenes had previously claimed for their master's lodging.

Hearing this, Eumenes went to Alexander in a rage, and complained that it was better to be a flute-player than a soldier. At first Alexander agreed with him, and blamed Hephaestion for his conduct. But afterwards he changed his mind, and attributed what Eumenes had done to a desire to insult himself, rather than to vindicate his rights against Hephaestion. At another time, when Alexander was about to despatch Nearchus with a fleet to explore the Atlantic, he asked his friends to subscribe some money, as he had none in his treasury. The sum for which Eumenes was asked was three hundred talents, of which he only paid one hundred, and said that he had had great difficulty in collecting even that amount. Alexander did not reproach him, nor take the money from him; but he ordered his slaves secretly to set the tent of Eumenes on fire, hoping when his property was brought out of it to prove him to have lied in saying that he possessed so little money.

However the tent burned quicker than was expected, and Alexander was sorry that he had destroyed all the papers and writings which it contained. There was found in the ruins more than a thousand talents'

worth of gold and silver, melted by the heat of the fire. Of this Alexander refused to take any, but sent orders to all the officers of his kingdom to replace the accounts and writings which had been destroyed. Once again too he quarrelled with Hephaestion about some present to which each laid claim. They each abused the other roundly, but Eumenes came off the victor. Shortly afterwards, however, Hephaestion died, to the great grief of Alexander, who was enraged with all those who had disliked Hephaestion when alive, and were pleased at his death. He regarded Eumenes with especial hatred, and frequently referred to his quarrels with Hephaestion. Eumenes, however, being a shrewd man, determined that what seemed likely to become his ruin should prove his salvation. He won Alexander's favour by inventing new and extravagant modes of showing honour to his friend, and spent money profusely in providing him with a splendid funeral.

III. When Alexander himself died, and the Macedonian army quarrelled with its chiefs, he in reality espoused the cause of the latter, although he declared that he belonged to neither party, modestly observing that it was not for him, a stranger, to interfere in the quarrels of Macedonians with one another. In the general division of Alexander's conquests which then took place, Eumenes obtained Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the coast of the Euxine sea as far as Trapezus.[170] This country was not yet conquered by the Macedonians, but was ruled by Ariarathes, and Leonnatus and Antigonus were requested by Perdikkas to come with a large army to put Eumenes in possession of his princ.i.p.ality. Antigonus took no heed of this command, as he was already revolving immense schemes of conquest, and beginning to despise his colleagues. Leonnatus, however, did begin to march an army towards Phrygia, intending to help Eumenes, but on the way he was met by Hekataeus the despot of Kardia, who besought him to a.s.sist the Macedonians under Antipater, who were being besieged in the city of Lamia. Leonnatus on hearing this became eager to cross his army over the straits into Europe; and consequently he sent for Eumenes and reconciled him with Hekataeus. These two men had always been at enmity with one another on political grounds. Eumenes had often endeavoured to use his influence with Alexander to crush Hekataeus, and restore liberty to the oppressed citizens of Kardia, and never ceased accusing him of tyranny and injustice. On this occasion Eumenes refused to take part in the expedition into Europe, stating that he feared Antipater, who had always been his enemy, and who would be very likely to a.s.sa.s.sinate him to please Hekataeus. In answer to these objections Leonnatus unfolded to him his secret plans. His march to relieve Antipater was merely intended as a pretence to cover his real object, which was to attempt to make himself master of Macedonia. He also showed Eumenes several letters which he had received from Pella, in which Kleopatra offered to marry him if he would march thither. However Eumenes, either because he feared Antipater, or because he thought Leonnatus to be embarked upon a rash and crazy enterprise, left him by night, taking with him all his property. He was attended by three hundred hors.e.m.e.n, and two hundred armed slaves, and had with him treasure to the amount of five thousand talents. He fled at once to Perdikkas, and betrayed all Leonnatus's plans to him, by which treachery he gained great favour with Perdikkas, and soon afterwards was established in his government of Cappadocia by an army led by Perdikkas himself. Ariarathes was taken prisoner, the country subdued and Eumenes proclaimed satrap over it.

He distributed the government of the various cities amongst his friends, established garrisons, courts of justice, and receivers of revenue, as an absolute ruler, without any interference from Perdikkas. But when Perdikkas left the country Eumenes followed him, as he did not wish to be away from the court of that prince.

IV. However, Perdikkas considered that he was well able to carry out his own designs abroad, but required an active and faithful lieutenant to guard what he already possessed at home. Consequently when he reached Cilicia he sent Eumenes back, nominally to his own government, but really to observe Armenia where Neoptolemus was endeavouring to raise a revolt. Eumenes had frequent interviews with this man, who was of a flighty and vainglorious character, and tried to restrain him from any act of open rebellion. Perceiving also that the Macedonian phalanx was grown very strong, and gave itself most insolent airs, he determined to raise up some counterpoise to it, in the shape of a force of cavalry.

He set free from all taxes and state payments whatever those men of his province who were able to serve as horse soldiers, and bestowed fine horses, purchased by himself, upon their officers and those whom he especially trusted. He divided them into regiments, frequently bestowed upon them honours and rewards, and constantly exercised them in the performance of military manuvres. Some of the Macedonians were alarmed, but others were delighted to see in how short a time he had raised a force of no less than six thousand three hundred cavalry soldiers.

V. When Kraterus and Antipater, having made themselves masters of Greece, crossed over into Asia to destroy the kingdom of Perdikkas, and were about to invade Cappadocia, Eumenes was appointed by Perdikkas, who was absent on a campaign against Ptolemy, to be commander-in-chief of the forces in Cappadocia and Armenia. He also sent letters, ordering Neoptolemus and Alketas to place themselves under the orders of Eumenes. Alketas at once refused to serve under him, alleging that the Macedonian troops which he commanded would be ashamed to fight against Antipater, and were willing to receive Kraterus as their king. Neoptolemus also no longer concealed the treachery which he had so long meditated, and when summoned by Eumenes to join him, answered by drawing up his men in order of battle. Now did Eumenes reap the fruits of his prudence and foresight; for though his infantry was vanquished, yet his cavalry completely overthrew Neoptolemus, and captured all his baggage. He also caught the phalanx of the enemy when disordered by its victory, and forced it to surrender at discretion, and swear allegiance to himself. Neoptolemus fled with a few followers and joined Kraterus and Antipater, by whom an emba.s.sy had been sent to Eumenes to offer him the peaceful enjoyment of his government if he would join them, and likewise a large accession of territory and force, on condition that he would cease to regard Antipater with dislike and would not become an enemy to his friend Kraterus. To these overtures Eumenes answered that he had long hated Antipater, and was not likely to begin to love him now, when he saw him making war against his own friends, but that he was willing to act as mediator between Kraterus and Perdikkas, if they wished to arrange a fair and honourable peace. He declared that as long as he had breath in his body he would resist all unjust schemes of spoliation, and would rather lose his life than betray the confidence bestowed upon him by Perdikkas.

VI. When Eumenes returned this answer to Antipater, he was deliberating what was the next step to take, when suddenly Neoptolemus arrived bringing the news of his defeat, and begging for immediate a.s.sistance. He wished one of the chiefs to accompany him, but especially Kraterus, declaring that he was so popular with the Macedonians that if they so much as caught sight of his broad-brimmed Macedonian hat, and heard his voice, they would go over to him in a body. Indeed the name of Kraterus had great influence with the Macedonians, and he was their favourite general now that Alexander was dead, for they remembered how steadfast a friend Kraterus had proved to them, and how he had often incurred the anger of Alexander by opposing his adoption of Persian habits, and standing by his countrymen when they were in danger of being neglected and despised by a corrupt and effeminate court. Kraterus accordingly sent Antipater into Cilicia, and himself with the greater part of the army marched with Neoptolemus to fight Eumenes, whom he imagined he should catch unawares, engaged in feasting and celebrating his late victory. It did not argue any very great skill in Eumenes, that he soon became aware of the march of Kraterus to attack him; but to conceal his own weak points, not only from the enemy, but also from his own troops, and actually to force them to attack Kraterus without knowing against whom they fought, appears to me to have been the act of a consummate general. He gave out that Neoptolemus and Pigres were about to attack him a second time, with some Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. On the night when he intended to start he fell asleep and dreamed a strange dream. He seemed to see two Alexanders, each at the head of a phalanx, preparing to fight one another. Then Athena came to help the one, and Demeter the other. After a hard fight, that championed by Athena was overcome, and then Demeter gathered ears of corn, and crowned the victorious phalanx with them. He at once conceived that this dream referred to himself because he was about to fight for a most fertile land and one that abounded in corn; for at that time the whole country was sown with wheat, as if it were time of peace, and the fields promised an abundant harvest. He was confirmed in his idea of the meaning of his dream when he heard that the watchword of the enemy was 'Athena,' with the countersign 'Alexander.' Hearing this, he himself gave the word 'Demeter,' with the countersign 'Alexander,' and ordered all his soldiers to crown themselves and adorn their arms with ears of wheat. He was often tempted to explain to his officers who it was against whom they were about to fight; but in spite of the inconvenience of such a secret, he decided finally to keep it to himself.

VII. He was careful not to send any Macedonians to attack Kraterus, but entrusted this duty to two divisions of cavalry, which he placed under the command respectively of Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus and Phnix of Tenedos. These he ordered, as soon as they saw the enemy, to charge at full speed, and not to give them time for any parley, or to send a herald; for he was grievously afraid that if the Macedonians recognized Kraterus they would desert to him. He himself formed three hundred of the best of his cavalry into a compact ma.s.s with which he proceeded towards the right, to engage the detachment under Neoptolemus. The main body, as soon as it had pa.s.sed a small hill, came in sight of the enemy and at once charged at full gallop.

Kraterus at this broke out into violent abuse of Neoptolemus, saying that he had been deceived by him about the Macedonians who were to have deserted. However, he called upon those about him to quit them like men, and advanced to meet the hors.e.m.e.n.

The shock was terrible. Their spears were soon broken, and the fight was continued with swords. Kraterus proved no unworthy successor of Alexander, for he slew many and often rallied his troops, until a Thracian rode at him sideways and struck him from his horse. No one recognized him as he lay on the ground except Gorgias, one of the generals of Eumenes, who at once dismounted and kept guard over him, although he was grievously hurt and almost in the death-agony.

Meanwhile Eumenes encountered Neoptolemus. Each had a long-standing grudge against the other; but it chanced that in the first two charges which took place they did not see one another. The third time they recognized one another, and at once drew their daggers and rode together with loud shouts of defiance. With their reins flowing loose they drove their horses against one another like two triremes, and each clutched at the other as he pa.s.sed, so that each tore the helmet from the other's head, and burst the fastenings of the corslet upon his shoulder. Both fell from their horses, and wrestled together in deadly strife on the ground. As Neoptolemus strove to rise, Eumenes struck him behind the knee, and leaped upon his own feet, but Neoptolemus rested upon his other knee, and continued the fight until he received a mortal stab in the neck. Eumenes through the mortal hate which he bore him at once fell to stripping him of his armour and abusing him, forgetting that he was still alive. He received a slight stab in the groin, but the wound frightened Eumenes more than it hurt him, as the hand that dealt it was almost powerless. Yet when Eumenes had finished despoiling the corpse he found that he was severely cut about the arms and thighs, in spite of which he remounted his horse, and rode to the other side of the battle-field, where he thought the enemy might still be offering resistance. Here he heard of the death of Kraterus, and rode up to where he lay. Finding that he was still alive and conscious, Eumenes dismounted, and with tears and protestations of friends.h.i.+p cursed Neoptolemus and lamented his hard fate, which had forced him either to kill his old friend and comrade or to perish at his hands.

VIII. This victory was won by Eumenes about ten days after his former one. He gained great glory from this double achievement, as he appeared to have won one battle by courage and the other by generals.h.i.+p. Yet he was bitterly disliked and hated both by his own men and by the enemy, because he, a stranger and a foreigner, had vanquished the most renowned of the Macedonians in fair fight. Now if Perdikkas had lived to hear of the death of Kraterus, he would have been the chief Macedonian of the age; but the news of his death reached the camp of Perdikkas two days after that prince had fallen in a skirmish with the Egyptians, and the enraged Macedonian soldiery vowed vengeance against Eumenes. Antigonus and Antipater at once declared war against him: and when they heard that Eumenes, pa.s.sing by Mount Ida where the king[171] used to keep a breed of horses, took as many as he required and sent an account of his doing so to the Masters of the Horse, Antipater is said to have laughed and declared that he admired the wariness of Eumenes, who seemed to expect that he would be called upon to give an account of what he had done with the king's property. Eumenes had intended to fight a battle on the plains of Lydia near Sardis, because his chief strength lay in his cavalry, and also to let Kleopatra[172] see how powerful he was; but at her particular request, for she was afraid to give umbrage to Antipater, he marched into Upper Phrygia, and pa.s.sed the winter in the city of Kelainae. While here, Alketas, Polemon, and Dokimus caballed against him, claiming the supreme command for themselves. Hereupon Eumenes quoted the proverb, "No one reflects that he who rules must die."

He now promised his soldiers that in three days he would give them their pay, and accomplished this by selling the various fortified villages and castles in the neighbourhood to them, all of which were full of human beings to sell for slaves, and of cattle. The officers who bought these places from Eumenes were supplied by him with siege-artillery to take them, and the proceeds of the plunder were set off against the arrears of pay due to the soldiers. This proceeding made Eumenes very popular with his army, indeed, when a proclamation was distributed in his camp by contrivance of the enemy, in which a reward of a hundred talents and special honours were offered to the man who would kill Eumenes, the Macedonians were greatly enraged, and determined that a body-guard of one thousand men, of the best families in Macedonia, should watch over his safety day and night. The soldiers obeyed him with alacrity and were proud to receive from his hands the same marks of favour which kings are wont to bestow upon their favourites. Eumenes even took upon himself to give away purple hats and cloaks, which is accounted the most royal present of all by the Macedonians.

IX. Success exalts even mean minds, and men always appear to have a certain dignity when in high station and power; but the truly great man proves his greatness more by the way in which he bears up against misfortunes and endures evil days, as did Eumenes. He was defeated by Antigonus in Southern Cappadocia by treachery, but when forced to retreat he did not allow the traitor who had betrayed him to make good his escape to Antigonus, but took him and hanged him on the spot. He managed to retreat by a different road to that on which the enemy were pursuing, and then suddenly turning about, encamped on the battle-field of the day before. Here he collected the dead bodies, burned them with the timber of the houses in the neighbouring villages, and raised separate barrows over the remains of the officers and the men--monuments of his hardihood and presence of mind which excited the admiration of Antigonus himself when he again pa.s.sed that way. The two armies were still sometimes so near each other, that Eumenes once had an opportunity of making himself master of the whole of the enemy's baggage, which would have enriched his troops with an immense booty. He feared that the possession of such wealth would render them eager to quit his toilsome and perilous service, and sent secret warning under the pretext of private friends.h.i.+p to Menander, the general who had been left in charge of the baggage, and enabled him to withdraw into an una.s.sailable position. This seemingly generous action excited the grat.i.tude of the Macedonians, whose wives and children it had saved from slavery and dishonour, till Antigonus pointed out to them that Eumenes had spared them only that he might not enc.u.mber himself.[173] X. After this, Eumenes, who was being constantly pursued by a superior force, recommended the greater part of his men to return to their homes. This he did either because he was anxious for their safety, or because he did not wish to drag about with him a force which was too small to fight, and too large to move with swiftness and secrecy. He himself took refuge in the impregnable fortress of Nora, on the borders of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, with five hundred horse and two hundred foot soldiers, and dismissed from thence with kind speeches and embraces, all of his friends who wished to leave the fortress, dismayed by the prospect of the dreary imprisonment which awaited them during a long siege in such a place.

Antigonus when he arrived summoned Eumenes to a conference before beginning the siege, to which he answered, that Antigonus had many friends and officers, while he had none remaining with him, so that unless Antigonus would give him hostages for his safety, he would not trust himself with him. Upon this Antigonus bade him remember that he was speaking to his superior. "While I can hold my sword," retorted Eumenes, "I acknowledge no man as my superior." However, after Antigonus had sent his cousin Ptolemaeus into the fortress, as Eumenes had demanded, he came down to meet Antigonus, whom he embraced in a friendly manner, as became men who had once been intimate friends and comrades. They talked for a long time, and Eumenes astonished all the a.s.sembly by his courage and spirit; for he did not ask for his life, and for peace, as they expected, but demanded to be reinstated in his government, and to have all the grants which he had received from Perdikkas restored to him. The Macedonians meanwhile flocked round him, eager to see what sort of man this Eumenes was, of whom they had heard so much; for since the death of Kraterus no one had been talked of so much as Eumenes in the Macedonian camp. Antigonus began to fear for his safety; he ordered them to keep at a distance, and at last throwing his arms round the waist of Eumenes conducted him back through a pa.s.sage formed by his guards to the foot of the fortress.

XI. After this Antigonus invested the place with a double wall of circ.u.mvallation, left a force sufficient to guard it, and marched away. Eumenes was now closely besieged. There was plenty of water, corn, and salt in the fortress, but nothing else to eat or to drink.

Yet he managed to render life cheerful, inviting all the garrison in turn to his own table, and entertaining his guests with agreeable and lively conversation. He himself was no st.u.r.dy warrior, worn with toil and hards.h.i.+ps, but a figure of the most delicate symmetry, seemingly in all the freshness of youth, with a gentle and engaging aspect. He was no orator, but yet was fascinating in conversation, as we may partly learn from his letters. During this siege, as he perceived that the men, cooped up in such narrow limits and eating their food without exercise, would lose health, and also that the horses would lose condition if they never used their limbs, while it was most important that, if they were required for a sudden emergency, they should be able to gallop, he arranged the largest room in the fort, fourteen cubits in length, as a place of exercise for the men, and ordered them to walk there, gradually quickening their pace, so as to combine exercise with amus.e.m.e.nt. For the horses, he caused their necks to be hoisted by pulleys fastened in the roof of their stable, until their fore feet barely touched the ground. In this uneasy position they were excited by their grooms with blows and shouts until the struggle produced the effect of a hard ride, as they sprung about and stood almost erect upon their hind legs till the sweat poured off them, so that this exercise proved no bad training either for strength or speed. They were fed with bruised barley, as being more quickly and easily digested.

XII. After this siege had lasted for some time, Antigonus learned that Antipater had died in Macedonia, and that Ka.s.sander and Polysperchon were fighting for his inheritance. He now conceived great hopes of gaining the supreme power for himself, and desired to have Eumenes as his friend and a.s.sistant in effecting this great design. He sent Hieronymus of Kardia, a friend of Eumenes, to make terms with him.

Hieronymus proffered a written agreement to Eumenes, which Eumenes amended, and thus appealed to the Macedonians who were besieging him to decide between the two forms, as to which was the most just.

Antigonus for decency's sake had mentioned the names of the royal family of Macedonia in the beginning of his agreement, but at the end of it demanded that Eumenes should swear fealty to himself. Eumenes corrected this by inserting the names of Queen Olympias and all the royal family, and then took a solemn oath of fealty, not to Antigonus alone, but to Olympias and all the royal house of Macedonia. This form was thought more reasonable by the Macedonians, who swore Eumenes according to it, raised the siege, and sent to Antigonus that he also might swear in the same form as Eumenes. After this Eumenes delivered up all the Cappadocian hostages in Nora, soon collected a force of little less than a thousand men, from his old soldiers who were still roaming about that country, and rode off with them, as he very rightly distrusted Antigonus, who as soon as he heard of what had happened, sent orders to the Macedonians to continue the siege, and bitterly reproached them for allowing Eumenes to amend the form of oath tendered to him.

XIII. While Eumenes was retreating he received letters from the party in Macedonia opposed to Antigonus, in which Olympias begged him to come and take the son of Alexander, whose life was threatened, under his protection; while Polysperchon and Philip, the king, bade him take the command of the army in Cappadocia and make war against Antigonus, empowering him out of the treasure at Quinda to take five hundred talents, as compensation for his own losses, and to make what use he pleased of the remainder for the expenses of the war. He was also informed that orders had been sent to Antigenes and Teutamus the commanders of the Argyraspides, the celebrated Macedonian regiment with the silver s.h.i.+elds, to put him in possession of the treasure which they had brought from Susa, and to place themselves with their troops under his command.

Antigenes and Teutamus, on receiving these orders, received Eumenes with all outward manifestations of friends.h.i.+p, but were really full of concealed rage at being superseded by him. He, however, judiciously allayed their wrath by refusing to take the money, which he said he did not need, while as they wore both unwilling to obey and unable to command, he called in the aid of superst.i.tion, and declared that Alexander himself had appeared to him in a dream, as when alive, arrayed in the ensigns of royalty, seated in his tent, and despatching affairs of state, and he proposed that they should erect a magnificent tent, should place a golden throne in the centre, on which should be laid a diadem, sceptre and royal apparel, and that there they should transact business as in the presence of the king. Antigenes and Teutamus willingly agreed to this proposal, which flattered their self-love by seeming to place them on an equality with Eumenes.

As they marched up the country they were met by Peukestas, a friend of Eumenes, and by several other satraps, or provincial governors, who came accompanied by considerable bodies of troops, whose numbers and excellent equipment and discipline gave great encouragement to the Macedonian soldiery.

But these satraps, since the death of Alexander, had become dissolute, licentious, and effeminate princes, with all the vices of Eastern despots. They perpetually intrigued and quarrelled with one another, while they courted the Macedonians by profuse liberality, providing them with magnificent banquets and unlimited wine, until they entirely ruined the discipline of their camp, and led them to meditate choosing their leaders by a popular vote, as is done in republican cities.

Eumenes, perceiving that the satraps mistrusted one another, but that they all agreed in hating and fearing himself, and only wanted an opportunity for having him a.s.sa.s.sinated, pretended to be in want of money, and borrowed large sums from those whom he chiefly suspected of designs against his person, so that he secured the safety of his person by taking other men's money, an object which most people are glad to attain by giving their own.

XIV. While the peace lasted, the Macedonian soldiery willingly listened to the flattering promises of the satraps, each of whom wished to raise a force and make war upon the others; but when Antigonus moved to attack them with a large army, and a real general was imperatively demanded to meet him, then not only the soldiers implicitly obeyed Eumenes, but even those princes who during the peace had affected such airs of independence lowered their tone and each without a murmur proceeded to his appointed duty. When Antigonus was endeavouring to cross the river Pasitigris, none of the confederates except Eumenes perceived his design, but he boldly withstood him, and in a pitched battle slew many men, filled the stream with corpses, and took four thousand prisoners. And also, when Eumenes fell sick, the Macedonians clearly proved that they knew that the others could give them banquets and fair promises, but that he alone could lead them to victory.

When the army was in Persia, Peukestas magnificently entertained all the soldiers, giving each man a victim for sacrifice, and thought that by this liberality he had quite won their hearts; but a few days afterwards, when they came into the presence of the enemy, Eumenes happened to be ill, and was being carried in a litter apart from the noise of the march in order to obtain rest. As the army gained the crest of some low hills they suddenly saw the enemy's troops marching down into the plain below. As soon as they saw the head of the column, with its gilded arms flas.h.i.+ng in the sun, and the elephants with their towers and purple trappings, ready for instant attack, the Macedonians halted, grounded their arms, and refused to proceed until Eumenes should put himself at their head, plainly telling their officers that they dared not risk a battle without him for their leader. Eumenes at once came to the front at full speed in his litter, of which he caused the curtains on both sides to be drawn back, while he waved his hand to them in delight. They, in return, greeted him in the Macedonian fas.h.i.+on by shouts and the clash of their arms, and at once took up their s.h.i.+elds and levelled their lances with a loud cry, challenging the enemy to come and fight them, for they now had a general to lead them on.

XV. Antigonus, who had learned from prisoners that Eumenes was sick and travelling in a litter, imagined that it would not be difficult to overcome the others, and therefore hastened his march, hoping to bring on a battle while Eumenes was still unable to command. When, however, as he rode along the enemy's line he observed their admirable order and arrangement, he hesitated to attack. At last he perceived the litter proceeding from one wing to the other. Then, with a loud laugh, as was his habit when joking with his friends, he exclaimed, "It is that litter, it seems, that is manuvring against us." Saying this, he at once withdrew his forces and encamped at some little distance.

The army of Eumenes, however, soon afterwards, needing refreshment and repose, forced their generals to place them in cantonments for the winter in the district of Gabiene. These were so scattered, that the whole army was spread over a distance of a thousand stades (or a hundred and twenty-five English miles). Antigonus, hearing this, marched suddenly to attack them by a very difficult road, on which no water was to be found, but which nevertheless was very short and direct. He hoped to fall upon the enemy while scattered in their winter quarters, and defeat them before their generals could rally them into a compact ma.s.s. But as he marched through a desert region his army met with strong winds and bitter cold, so that the men were forced to light large fires to warm themselves, and these gave notice of their arrival to the enemy; for the natives who inhabited the mountains near the line of Antigonus's march, when they saw the numerous fires lighted by his troops, sent messengers on swift camels to tell Peukestas what they had observed. He was much alarmed at the news, and, noticing that the rest of the satraps shared his fears, proposed to retreat to the opposite extremity of the province, where they might at least rea.s.semble a part of their force before the enemy came up. Eumenes, however, calmed their fears by promising that he would stop the progress of Antigonus, and prevent his coming to attack them until three days after they expected him. His counsels prevailed, and he at once despatched messengers to call the troops together out of their winter quarters, and collect all the available force, while he himself with the other generals rode to the front, and selecting a spot which was plainly visible to those crossing the desert, ordered fires to be lighted at intervals, as though an army were encamped along the frontier awaiting the attack of Antigonus. The latter, observing the heights covered with watch-fires, was filled with rage and mortification, imagining that the enemy must long ago have known his plans. Fearing to fight with his wearied troops against men who were fresh and had been living in comfort, he turned aside from the desert, and refreshed his army among some neighbouring villages.

When, however, he saw no enemy, or any signs of a hostile army being near, and learned from the natives that no troops had been seen by them, but only a large number of fires, he perceived that he had been out-manuvred by Eumenes, and marched forward in anger, determined to settle their disputes by a pitched battle.

XVI. Meanwhile the greater part of the army of Eumenes had a.s.sembled, and, admiring his stratagem, declared that he alone was fit to be their leader. This so vexed the officers in command of the Argyraspids, Antigenes, and Teutamus, that they determined to make away with him, and they held a council with most of the satraps and officers of the army to determine how best they might rid themselves of him. They all agreed that it would be wisest to make use of his talents in the approaching battle, and immediately after the battle to a.s.sa.s.sinate him. This result of their deliberations was at once betrayed to Eumenes by Eudamus, the officer in command of the elephants, and Phaedimus, not from any love they bore to him, but through fear of losing the money which they had lent him. Eumenes thanked them for their kindness, and afterwards observed to the few friends whom he could trust, that he was living amongst a herd of savage beasts. He withdrew to his tent, made his will, and destroyed all his private papers, not wis.h.i.+ng after his death to involve any one in danger. After having made these arrangements, he thought of allowing the enemy to win the victory, or of escaping through Armenia and Media into Cappadocia. He came to no decided resolution while his friends were present, but merely discussed the various chances which presented themselves to his versatile intellect, and then proceeded to array his troops in order of battle, uttering words of encouragement to them all, whether Greek or barbarian, while he himself was received with cheerful and confident shouts by the Argyraspids, who bade him be of good cheer, as the enemy never could abide their onset. These men were the oldest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, and had remained unconquered in battle up to that time, although many of them were seventy and none of them were less than sixty years old. They now called out, as they moved to attack the troops of Antigonus, "Ye are fighting against your fathers, ye unnatural children." Charging with fury, they broke down all opposition, for no one could stand before them, though most of the enemy died where they stood. On this side Antigonus was utterly defeated, but his cavalry were victorious; and through the base and unsoldierly conduct of Peukestas the whole of the baggage fell into his hands, by his own great presence of mind and the nature of the ground. This was a vast plain, not dusty, and yet not hard, but like a sea-beach, composed of a light loose sand, covered with a salt crust. Upon this the trampling of so many horses and men soon raised a cloud of dust through which no object could be seen, as it whitened the whole air and dazzled the eyes. Through this Antigonus dashed unnoticed, and made himself master of the baggage, together with the wives and children of the army of Eumenes.

XVII. When the battle was over, Teutamus at once sent to offer terms for the recovery of the baggage. As Antigonus promised that he would deliver everything up to the Argyraspids, and that their wives and children should be kindly treated, if Eumenes were placed in his hands, the Macedonians were treacherous and wicked enough to resolve to deliver him alive into the hands of his enemies. With this intent they drew near to him, on various pretexts, some lamenting their loss, some encouraging him because of the victory he had won, and some preferring charges against the other generals. Suddenly they fell upon him, s.n.a.t.c.hed away his sword, and bound his hands. When Nikanor was sent to conduct him to Antigonus, he asked, while he was pa.s.sing through the ranks of the Macedonians, to be permitted to address them, not with any intention of begging his own life, but that he might clearly point out to them what was to their own advantage. Silence was enforced, and Eumenes, standing on a hillock, held forth his fettered hands, and spoke as follows:--"Basest of Macedonians, could Antigonus ever have erected such a monument of your disgrace as you have set up yourselves by surrendering your general to him? Is it not shameful for you, who have conquered in the battle, to acknowledge yourselves defeated because of your baggage, as though victory lay more in money than in arms, so that you should ransom your baggage by delivering up your general? I indeed am now being carried off captive, an unconquered man, who has overcome his foes, but has been ruined by his friends; but I beseech you in the name of the Zeus that protects armies, and the G.o.ds who watch over the true keeping of oaths, kill me here with your own hands; for I shall be slain by you no less when I am put to death in the enemy's camp. Antigonus cannot complain of this action of yours, for he wishes to receive Eumenes dead, and not alive.

If you are chary of your own hands to do the deed, one of mine will suffice if you will loose it from its bonds. Or if you will not trust me with a sword, then cast me, bound as I am, to be trampled on by the elephants. If you will act thus I will acquit you of all blame, and will declare that you have dealt with your general as became honourable men."

XVIII. When Eumenes had spoken thus, all the army was grieved and lamented his fate, but the Argyraspids called out that he must be carried away, and no attention paid to his talk; for, they said, it mattered little what fate befel a pestilent fellow from the Chersonese, who had involved the Macedonians in endless wars and troubles, but that it was not to be borne that the bravest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, after their unheard-of exploits, should in their old age be deprived of the fruits of their toils and be forced to depend upon charity, or that their wives should pa.s.s a third night in the enemy's camp. They at once hurried him away. When he reached the enemy's quarters, Antigonus, fearing that he would be crushed to death by the crowd (for not a man remained in the camp), sent ten of the strongest elephants, and many Medes and Parthians, armed with spears, to keep off the press from him. He himself could not bear to see Eumenes, because they had once been friends and comrades; and when he was asked by those who had charge of his person how they were to treat him, answered, "Like an elephant, or a lion!"

After a while he felt compa.s.sion for his sufferings, and ordered his heavy chains to be removed, appointed an attendant to anoint his person, and allowed his friends to have free access to him and supply him with provisions. A long debate took place for several days about the fate of Eumenes, in which Nearchus, a Cretan, and the young Demetrius, pleaded earnestly for him, while the other generals all opposed them and pressed for his execution. It is said that Eumenes himself inquired of his jailer, Onomarchus, what the reason was that Antigonus, having got his enemy into his power, did not put him to death quickly or else set him free honourably. When Onomarchus insultingly answered that it was not then, but in the battle-field that he ought to have shown how little he feared death, Eumenes retorted, "I proved it there also; ask those whom I encountered; but I never met a stronger man than myself." "Since then you have now met with a stronger man than yourself," said Onomarchus; "why cannot you patiently await his pleasure?"

XIX. When, therefore, Antigonus made up his mind to put Eumenes to death, he ordered him to be kept without food. He lingered thus for two or three days; but as the camp was suddenly broken up, men were sent to despatch him. Antigonus restored his body to his friends, and permitted them to burn it and collect the ashes in a silver urn to be carried to his wife and children. The death of Eumenes was quickly avenged by Heaven, which stirred up Antigonus to regard the Argyraspids with abhorrence, as wicked and faithless villains. He placed them under the command of Sibystius, the governor of Arachosia, and gave him orders to employ them, by small parties at a time, upon services which would ensure their destruction, so that not one of them should ever return to Macedonia, or behold the Grecian sea.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 170: Trebisond.]

[Footnote 171: Alexander.]

[Footnote 172: Plutarch tells us nothing of how Kleopatra came to Sardis. See Thirlwall's 'History of Greece,' chap. lvii.]

[Footnote 173: Thirlwall's 'History,' chap. lvii.]

COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS AND EUMENES.

The above are all the particulars of the lives of Eumenes and Sertorius which have come down to us, and which appear worth recording. When we come to compare them, we find that each was an exile from his native country, and commanded a numerous army of foreign troops, although Sertorius enjoyed the great advantage of an undisputed command, while Eumenes always had to contend with many compet.i.tors for the first place, which nevertheless he always obtained by his brilliant exploits. Sertorius was eagerly followed by men who were proud to obey him, but Eumenes was only obeyed out of self-interest, by men who were incompetent to lead. The Roman ruled the tribes of Lusitania and Iberia, who had been long before conquered by the Romans, while the Kardian led the Macedonians, when fresh from the conquest of the world. Yet Sertorius was always looked up to as a wise man and a consummate captain, whereas Eumenes was despised as a mere quill-driver before he fought his way to the rank of general; so that Eumenes not only started with less advantages, but met with much greater difficulties, before he attained to distinction. Moreover, Eumenes throughout his whole career was constantly opposed by open enemies, and constantly had to make head against secret plots and intrigues; whereas Sertorius was at first opposed by none of the officers under his command, and at the very last only by a few. The one had for his object merely to conquer his enemies, while the other, after winning a victory, was obliged to defend himself against the jealousy of his friends.

II. Their military achievements are pretty equally balanced; although Eumenes was naturally fond of war and tumults, while Sertorius was of a quiet and peaceful disposition. Thus it happened that Eumenes, rather than dwell in comfortable and honourable retirement, pa.s.sed his whole life in war, because he could not be satisfied with anything short of a throne; while Sertorius, who hated war, was forced to fight for his own safety against foes who would not allow him to live in peace. Antigonus would have made use of Eumenes as an officer with pleasure, if the latter would have laid aside his designs upon the throne of Macedonia; but Pompeius and his party would not so much as allow Sertorius to live, although his only wish was to be at rest.

From this it resulted that the one of his own free will went to war to obtain power, while the other was forced against his will to obtain power in order to repel attacks.