Saul Steinberg: A Biography Part 1

Saul Steinberg: a biography.

Deirdre Bair.

AUTHOR'S NOTE.

Like many other Americans in the last half of the twentieth century, I grew up eagerly awaiting the arrival of The New Yorker each week. Back when there was no table of contents, I think a lot of people must have done as I did, flipping through the pages to scan the t.i.tles of articles and glance at the end to see who wrote them while reserving my initial attention for the drawings and cartoons. And from the quant.i.ty of fan mail the magazine received, I don't think I was the only one who stopped fanning the pages to study whatever Saul Steinberg contributed to an issue. His work always got my attention, and nine times out of ten, my first response was the same puzzled question: Just what did he mean by that? All those numbers, letters, squiggles, and curlicues; those funny animals and ferocious figures; the brutalist buildings, tranquil landscapes, and chaotic street scenes-what was he getting at? And as for that poster, the iconic "View of the World from 9th Avenue," dubbed by me and countless others "The New Yorker's View of the World," I am sure I was among the first delighted buyers who rushed to the store on Madison Avenue for a copy, which has hung in every house I've lived in since then.

When I became a university professor, my office bulletin board was festooned with Steinberg's covers, most of them the ones containing words that I used to try to inspire my students to think. There was the one that showed a man standing between two signs, one pointing to "before" and the other to "after." There was the one with all versions of the verb to be, and the one that proclaimed "I do," "I have," and "I am." And whenever a.s.signments were due and I knew I'd be deluged by requests for extensions, I'd send my students a message by posting one of my favorite cartoons on the office door, of a man who sits behind a desk beaming as the word NO floats above his head and over to the deflated supplicant who sits in front of him.

In my home office, ever since I was a graduate student in Paris years ago and I went without lunches to buy it, a Steinberg print has hung on the wall where my eyes naturally gravitate when I raise them from my work. It has floated above every desk since the days when my ancient typewriter gave way to a succession of computers, because I always found something soothing in it during my daily search for whatever words or thoughts were eluding me. I still don't know what there is about this print, one of his landscapes from the era of The Pa.s.sport, that is endlessly fascinating. It just is.

That vague generality pretty much characterized my overall response to Saul Steinberg's art until early 2007, when I saw two exhibitions of his work, at the Morgan Library and Museum and the Museum of the City of New York. I spent so much time studying the drawings and trying to puzzle out what inspired him to create them that the friends who were with me grew tired of waiting and were about to leave without me when I rushed to tell them how I thought I'd found what I'd been missing all those years. I had just read a caption that quoted Steinberg as having said, "I am a writer who draws." That was it, of course, the elusive key that opened the first of the many doors that led me to spend three magical years searching for an understanding of his oeuvre.

On my way out of the Morgan Museum, I bought the book that accompanied the exhibition, and when I got home, I put it beside the four books of his drawings that were already on my library shelves. One by one I took them down again, once more finding puzzle and pleasure in equal part. Several months later, when I was packing books and files for a household move, I came across a huge folder left over from my teaching days that contained all the Steinbergiana that had adorned the walls and bulletin boards of my various offices. For the first time I was aware of the variety of his output, from New Yorker covers to product advertis.e.m.e.nts. I had saved an old Hallmark calendar and one leftover Christmas card from those he drew for the Museum of Modern Art. There was even a photo of a funny-looking fellow with a mustache and black-framed gla.s.ses holding a tiny brown paper mask over his nose, who I now knew was Saul Steinberg himself. How many years had I saved all this? It was hard to remember when I started, or even why. I knew nothing about the artist's life when I collected all these things and until that moment had never considered finding out who he was, where he came from, or why he made such an impact on his culture and society. At that time I really believed that I would never write another biography, but thoughts about Saul Steinberg persisted, and almost before I could verbalize what they were, I knew that I wanted to write about him. One thing led to another, and that was the start of this biography. Four years later, the end result is here.

20072011.

New Haven, Connecticut.

CHAPTER 1.

THE AMERICANIZATION OF SAUL STEINBERG.

Saul Steinberg's Italian diploma in architecture stated clearly that he was "of the Hebrew Race," which meant he was forbidden to work in Milan in 1940. He was a Romanian citizen, but his pa.s.sport had been canceled, making him a stateless person bound to be rounded up by Mussolini's Fascist police and sent to an internment facility, the Italian version of a concentration camp. Although he was well known for his satirical drawings and cartoons in two of Milan's leading humor newspapers, he lived for several months as a hunted man and never stayed long in any one place.

His Italian girlfriend hid him in her room and her friends hid him in theirs; his cla.s.smates from school did the same. But Milan was really a small town and difficult to hide in for long. It was only a matter of time until he would oversleep and be arrested in one of the daily 6 a.m. sweeps through the poorer parts of town, then be loaded onto a train with others who had run afoul of the Fascisti and sent to an internment facility. Those on the run heard rumors that suspects who surrendered voluntarily were treated better than those who were caught in the daily raids, and so, on the advice of his friends, Steinberg turned himself in at the neighborhood police station. Shortly after, he was indeed s.h.i.+pped off to an internment facility, Tortoreto.

The train ride to Tortoreto was the start of a long series of peregrinations that eventually took him from Milan by plane to Lisbon (twice), to Rome by train, to New York via s.h.i.+p, and then to four days in a holding pen on Ellis Island until the s.h.i.+p that took him to exile in the Dominican Republic was ready to sail. A year later, through the intercession of everyone from Commodore Cornelius Vanderbilt to his American uncles and cousins, to several international publishers and agents and the editors of The New Yorker, he was finally admitted to the United States. He took his first legal footsteps on American soil in Miami and from there he took a Greyhound bus (one of his favorite modes of travel) to New York.

Several months later, in one single day, Saul Steinberg became a United States citizen, a commissioned officer in the United States Naval Reserve, and, via the Office of Naval Intelligence, a member of the fledgling OSS (later the CIA) under the auspices of Wild Bill Donovan, who wanted him despite the fact that navy doctors who had examined him declared him both physically and psychologically unfit for service.

Ensign Saul Steinberg, USNR, was sent to Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C., for a brief period of training in psychological warfare to prepare for an overseas posting where his considerable knowledge of languages would complement his artistic abilities. Fluent in his native Romanian and Italian, with excellent French and good German, able to get by in Spanish, and with a smattering of Portuguese and comprehensible English, he was sent by his superiors to be a spy in inland China.

And that, as he was fond of remembering, was the start of the Americanization of Saul Steinberg, and of his lifelong love affair with all things American.

CHAPTER 2.

A DECIDEDLY PECULIAR PLACE.

Romania, a half civilized, semi-oriental, self-indulgent country Saul Steinberg always thought of his native country as a decidedly peculiar place, but he was convinced that the little town of Ramnicul-Srat had been specifically invented for him to be born there. Even his birth date had a slightly surrealist tinge, for it changed according to which calendar was in use: it was June 15, 1914, in the Julian (then being phased out) but June 28 in the Gregorian (adopted piecemeal by different regions of Romania until 1920). His parents celebrated June 14, either because the calendar change confused them or because they simply lumped his birthday in with other historical events that happened on this internationally important political day. When he was an adult, his wife and friends often had to ask which day he preferred, as he kept changing his mind. For years he chose not to celebrate either one, preferring "Bloomsday," June 16, the day James Joyce chose for the peregrinations of Leopold Bloom, the hero of Ulysses, one of his favorite novels, and a displaced Jewish wanderer like himself.

Political events shaped many crucial developments in Steinberg's life, which in later years he described as a parallel to the history of the twentieth century, an immense prank played not only on him but on all of humanity. On the birthday his parents celebrated, June 14 (June 28 in the modern calendar), 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife were a.s.sa.s.sinated in Sarajevo, and in August World War I began. Exactly five years later and again on June 14, the Treaty of Versailles, which ended the war, was signed; it was a punitive agreement that had much to do with the instigation of the Second World War, the annihilation of European Jews, and Steinberg's forced emigration to the United States.

War, and particularly the two world wars, affected Steinberg's life drastically, but even before the first one began, fractious politics caused major changes in his family's life. Romania, then known to the world as Roumania, had been a country only since 1861, when the princ.i.p.alities of Walachia and Moldavia voted to unite and selected Colonel Alexander Ioan Cuza to lead them. Cuza proclaimed the founding of the "Roumanian nation," adding that he feared the new country would not long be satisfied with him. He was right, and by 1866 the government was in such disarray that a delegation was sent to search for a foreign prince who could be persuaded to accept the newly created and highly unstable throne of a const.i.tutional monarchy. They had no one specific in mind when the search began, but the main attribute they sought was a large private fortune, which they hoped would guarantee independence and distance from the many intrigues of the competing clans, political parties, and ruling cla.s.ses.

The younger brother of the king of Belgium was the Roumanians' first choice, but he was so frightened by the internal politics of the country that he declined the offer. The committee moved on to Germany and another younger brother, Prince Karl of the Prussian royal house of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Karl was not exceptionally bright, but he liked the idea of having his own country and became the first prince of Roumania, crowned as King Carol I in 1881 when Romania became a monarchy. His reign lasted until his death in 1914 and was punctuated periodically by the same sort of boundary disputes and regional wars that had been fought ever since the Roman conquerors withdrew around A.D. 27174, leaving behind their name and their language superimposed on that of the native Dacians, the indigenous tribe they had conquered.

AN ETHNIC STEW OF A NATION began to bubble as soon as the Romans left. The Dacians were overrun consecutively by tribes of Goths, Huns, Avars, Bulgars, and Magyars; in the Middle Ages Mongols arrived, only to be supplanted by Turks, who incorporated Romania into the Ottoman Empire. Russia and Austria challenged Turkey during the eighteenth century, as did the Greeks, whom the Romanians disliked more than the Turks but with whom they allied themselves until Turkey was in turn marginalized by the Russo-Turkish war of 182829. All through these regional wars, certain parts of the country were spoils pa.s.sed back and forth between neighboring Hungary, Bulgaria, and Russia. And just as the country's boundaries were in constant flux, so too was the language. Based originally on the Latin overlay on Dacian, the Romanian language swelled with additions from every conquerer, invader, and even the vanquished.

Politics and language made it difficult to forge a Romanian ident.i.ty, and that did not begin until Ioan Cuza united the two princ.i.p.al territories, Walachia and Moldavia (now Moldova) into what were essentially Russian protectorates. By the reign of Carol I, the country was dominated by nationalists, and Jews became scapegoats and victims. Christians (both Catholic and Orthodox) blamed the Jews for violence and turmoil but ignored the way the ruling cla.s.ses plundered and pillaged the peasants. The upper cla.s.ses benefited from anti-Semitic demonstrations and did nothing to rein in the violence.

In 1907 the peasants were starving, and a revolt erupted that threatened to paralyze, if not destroy, the entire country. The Christian population looked for a scapegoat and found it in the Jews who acted as agents for the mostly absentee landlords, collecting rent and taxes and gouging the peasants in every possible way. Despite the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, when world opinion forced the Romanian government to give the Jews full rights of citizens.h.i.+p, successive governments ignored the treaty and persecution continued. Jews were not legal citizens of Romania and were therefore forbidden to engage in legitimate occupations, trades, or professions, so many learned to survive as moneylenders or stewards of the n.o.bility's extensive land holdings. The situation was so desperate in the last years of the nineteenth century that it led to what was later described as the forced emigration of Romanian Jews to the United States, and three of the six sons of Saul Steinberg's paternal grandfather were among them.

1907 to 1912 were the years in which the political became personal for the Steinberg family. Shortly after the first Balkan war erupted in 1907, Saul's father, Moritz (sometimes called Moise), served two terms in an artillery regiment in the Romanian army. The first time he had to impersonate his brother Martin, who had gone to Denver, so that penalties or punishment would not be inflicted on the family still in Romania; the second was under his own name. Moritz was called sporadically to postings in other parts of the country until World War I began in 1914, but he was mostly at home until Romania entered the conflict in 1916; after that, his regiment was officially mobilized and he was largely absent until 1917.

Moritz, born in the town of Husi on September 7, 1877, was the second son of Nathan (also known as Nachman) Steinberg and his second wife, Clara (sometimes called Henka or Hinke), whose patronymic was never recorded. Nathan had one child from his first marriage, Berl, who became the first of the three sons who went to the United States to settle in Arizona. He was followed by two of Moritz's brothers, who would play important roles in Saul's Americanization: Aaron, a younger brother who took the name Harry when he settled in New York and became a printer, and Moitel, an older brother who called himself Martin after he moved to Denver and became a businessman. Despite the several migrations that pogroms had forced on the Steinberg family, Moritz had a cautious and timid nature and never gave serious thought to following his brothers to America; he stayed in Romania, preferring the devil he knew to the one he did not.

Both Saul's parents came from families of Russian origin. The Steinbergs had been Romanian for only two generations, having migrated westward from Sevastopol to Odessa, then to Tiraspol before they eventually crossed the border to settle in the northeastern princ.i.p.ality of Moldavia. Saul's mother, Roza (she later changed the spelling to Rosa), was also born to ethnic Russians who had fled pogroms, but they had done so much earlier and had been living in Walachia for at least six generations.

As a boy, Saul remembered hearing his mother claim that her side of the family had the higher status; as an adult, he had his own distinct perception of where both sides of his family ranked on the social scale. By the generation of his maternal grandfather, born Iancu Itic, the family had taken the name Jacobson, totally forgotten its Russian origin, and been a.s.similated into Romanian culture and tradition. Iancu Itic was a well-off wine merchant who was also married twice and who fathered a great number of children, by some accounts as many as sixteen. Many of his children were also wanderers, and both sons and daughters emigrated to France, the United States, and Palestine (now Israel). Six of his sons and five of his six attractive and highly eligible daughters played roles of varying importance in Saul's life, but Iancu Itic was memorable as "a peculiar sort of Romanian...almost absorbed by the peasants and the local color" with "a talent for making good wine." Saul appreciated the old man's earthy qualities but was far more attracted by the glamour of his paternal grandfather, Nathan Steinberg, who began his career as a sergeant-major in the Romanian army.

Grandfather Steinberg was a man who took pride in all things military and whose martial bearing helped him prosper after he opened a military tailor shop in Buzu, a garrison town sixty miles from Bucharest. Romanian officers were his best clients, and as was typical of the age, he "trussed [them] up in corsets under brightly sashed tunics ... every s.h.i.+ning perfumed hair in place, an occasional monocle fixed immovably in the eye, cigarettes dangling from their lips." They were truly "Ruritanian dandies" whose elaborate getup stole the scene from their ladies, so much so that when World War I began, an order forbidding junior officers to wear eye shadow had to be issued. Nathan Steinberg was renowned for the fancy uniforms he created, all festooned with elaborate gold braid, and he liked to wear some of them himself. His formidable mustached likeness as well as his resplendent sartorial creations became familiar totems for the military figures that later populated his grandson's art.

It was in Buzu that the boy Saul first cast his artistic eye on the cityscape, which he saw as one of empty streets because all the citizens were in the cafes. This was when he first became aware of the pleasure of looking at girls, as they seemed to be the only people on the sidewalks, all of them splendidly dark-haired and decked out in school uniforms. When he wrote down one of his favorite recurring adolescent dreams, it became a paean of four-letter words about how all his neighbors were parents of dying girls begging him to f.u.c.k them, as that was the only way they could be cured.

Buzu was where his mother's family had been comfortably settled for several generations and where she was working as a seamstress on the trousseaus of rich girls when she met Moritz Steinberg. He and Roza Iancu Itic Jacobson were married there on December 6, 1911. Moritz was then working as a printer and bookbinder in Ramnicul-Srat, about thirty miles north of Buzu, and he took Rosa there to her first home as a married woman, away from her five sisters, to whom she was close. Rosa became pregnant in Ramnicul-Srat and suffered at least one miscarriage, possibly more, before she gave birth to a daughter, on April 9, 1913. Raschela (Rasela or Rachel, always called by the diminutive Lica or Licuta), was born prematurely and grew into a delicate child who was a puzzle to her large and robust mother.

Rosa was strong and outspoken and, depending on her mood of the moment, did not hesitate to erupt in joy or rage. The household was dominated by her swift mood changes, but Lica floated through these episodes seemingly unfazed, growing into a thin, quiet, thoughtful little girl, seldom crying or asking for attention and appearing mature far beyond her years. Family lore had it that she was a twin, but the other fetus did not develop and instead became a dermoid cyst in Lica's neck, which troubled her all her life and may have been responsible for various complications that led to her relatively early death at the age of sixty-three.

Such a lump was troubling to a mother reared in a culture where superst.i.tion and folklore reigned supreme, but what was even more upsetting in a country with a large Muslim population was Lica's left-handedness. Rosa subjected the child to a "very dramatic" campaign to force her to use her right hand, and what Lica had to endure before she was "broken" made her awkward, hesitant, and terrified forever that she might inadvertently do something with her left hand. Rosa was proud that she succeeded in breaking Lica's natural affinity and, in this as in all things concerning her family, bragged about imposing her formidable will.

There were many other instances of Rosa bullying Lica as a child, about everything from correcting her posture to prodding her to be more outgoing as a teenager. In her mind, she did these things because she loved her daughter, and in her overbearing way she did, even as she alternated bullying with trying to coddle and protect Lica. She treated Lica this way even after she had become a responsible and self-sufficient adult with a husband and two children. Lica was not joking when she claimed to be forever grateful to Saul for being born thirteen months after she was, because she was no longer an only child and he diffused their mother's meddling behavior. Lica attributed whatever shred of independence she managed to gain to the fact that after Saul's birth, as a son, he became the primary focus of Rosa's attention.

Rosa carried Saul to full term, but he too was a delicate baby, and he became a spindly boy, thoughtful, introspective, and plagued by childhood diseases and vague illnesses. When he was twelve going on thirteen, he contacted something mysterious that was thought to be rheumatic fever, and Rosa kept him bedridden for six months. Caring for Saul distracted her from totally dominating Lica's formative years, which gave the girl just enough freedom to grow up with a strong sense of self. Lica adored Saul and he returned her sentiment, so brother and sister shared an att.i.tude of quiet conspiracy toward their increasingly domineering and powerful mother, who was known to them in private as "the General."

The quiet Moritz remained slim and slight throughout his life, but Rosa packed on enough weight to give the appearance of a dreadnaught in full sail as she slashed and battled her way to primacy in all things connected with her family. No one addressed the subject directly when Saul's earliest published drawings began to feature Zia Elena, a huge battle-ax of a woman with a body like Rosa's and a face like Mussolini's, or later, when he drew couples with formidable, oversized women and cowering little men. Not until he was nearing the end of his life did he venture to describe his initial interpretation of the phrase sub rosa, remembering the shock of recognition he felt when he admitted to himself that he, his sister, and his father were powerless under Rosa's domination. Her two children and two grandchildren never openly discussed her character and personality while she was alive; only after her death did they feel free enough to call her a "horror" and a "terrorist" and admit that her "selfish and authoritarian" manner had brought them emotional pain.

From the day Rosa accepted Moritz's proposal, she set the terms for who would be in charge within the marriage. Her first rebellion against the status quo came when she refused to accept a situation most Romanian women of her generation always agreed to unquestioningly: to take in a child their husband had fathered out of wedlock. Moritz told Rosa he had a daughter, Sophia, born in Galest in September 1911, whose mother had died giving birth and to whom he proved his devotion by giving her the Steinberg name. Rosa knew that Moritz loved the little girl and wanted her to be raised as their own, and when she refused, he told her he wanted to continue to provide for the child's upkeep, which she also refused to let him do. Saul's memory of this family drama was of how Rosa threw hysterical, mean-spirited tantrums whenever Moritz raised the subject. And so Sophia remained in Galest with her mother's family, and if Moritz sent money or exchanged letters with this daughter, he kept it to himself. Sophia kept the Steinberg name, and Lica and Saul were fascinated, if not haunted, by the rumor of a half-sister and by their father having another, totally private life. However, they knew better than to speak of it to Rosa.

Rosa did many things that embarra.s.sed them-for instance, the way she behaved on their holiday excursions to the Black Sea resorts, where they stayed in genteel hotels. Although she claimed to be an observant Jewish matron, she did not follow Jewish dietary laws at home. The only time she did so was when she took her own food to hotels that boasted of their cuisine and insisted that the chefs cook her food under her direction and to her satisfaction. There were many things she thought were her due; she would rudely spear choice morsels from Moritz's plate, or brag that she could overcome her insomnia only by reaching over to pull his pillow out from under his sleeping head and add it to her own pile, even if she woke him in the process.

Saul Steinberg, his parents, and his sister. Black Sea, 1926. (ill.u.s.tration credit 2.1) One day at dinner she told Moritz and the children the story of how she had taken a seat on a park bench to rest her feet while out shopping. At the other end of the bench sat an old Jewish couple, the woman bedecked in jewels and snoring loudly. When the woman woke up, she told Rosa proudly that she had ordered her husband to stay awake and guard her jewelry while she napped. Rosa related the story as a fine example of a perfect husband's perfectly obedient behavior. No one commented, especially her children, who accepted such stories quietly.

Even in their teenage years, the last they lived at home together, the brother and sister were often too shy and embarra.s.sed to discuss their mother with each other. As two middle-aged adults, Saul and Lica tried to a.n.a.lyze their mother's character and decided that Rosa's method of controlling her family was to play the role of the chronic victim. Saul knew how intelligent she was and how she was probably frustrated by all the political and social events in the larger world that had conspired to disrupt her well-being so many times. He festered, while Lica was better able to shrug off the way Rosa managed to turn worldwide catastrophes into events whose only meaning was that they upended her personal life. Even more, Saul hated himself for what he called his "radar with mother," a love-hate affinity that dominated the household and created distance and formality between him and his gentle father, who learned to fear his stern adult son almost as much as he feared his formidable wife.

While Saul was growing up and forever after when it came to his family, the only person he loved without reservation was Lica. She was "the only taboo, the untouchable." He adored her with "the perfect intangibility of love."

Steinberg and his sister as schoolchildren. (ill.u.s.tration credit 2.2) SAUL STEINBERG DID NOT have many memories of his first four years of life. He was between six and eight months old when they left Ramnicul-Srat to live in Buzu and be near Rosa's family while Moritz came and went according to his army postings. Moritz, unlike his staunchly military father, who was celebrated for his leaders.h.i.+p abilities, was a lowly soldier in the artillery, charged with grooming the enormous workhorses that dragged the caissons and cannons. Even though he hated horses and was often frightened of them, he put up with the work for a time, but the beatings he endured because he did not do the job properly led him to desert before the war was officially over. He went into hiding in his father's attic, where he stayed until all Romanian conscripts were decommissioned and it was safe to come out. While living in the attic, he disguised himself by growing a beard and wearing peasant's clothing, topping it off with the towering lambskin headgear called the caciula, which the infant Saul thought made him look like a prehistoric monster. Saul's strongest memory was of being caught up in his father's arms and scratched by his beard.

MORITZ WENT INTO THE ATTIC WHEN Saul was three and emerged when Saul was five, in 1919. He thought it safe to move his family to Bucharest, and there Saul's lasting memories of his native country began. After the war, Jews were finally given full citizens.h.i.+p and permitted to engage in various businesses. Goaded by Rosa, Moritz did not resume his job as a printer and bookbinder in Ramnicul-Srat but instead allowed her and her brothers to convince him that he could make a better living in Bucharest if he followed them there and set up a business that would mesh with some of theirs. They were sign painters and shopkeepers, and they told him of machinery he could buy at bargain prices to establish a fabrica de cartonaje, a firm that he named Victoria and that specialized in the manufacture of cardboard boxes of all sizes and shapes. It was a profession Moritz did not like in a place he disliked even more, on the misnamed Street of the Sun, the Strada Soarelui, where a nondescript flower market provided the only spot of color in an alley where rats prowled like cats and horses struggled to pull carts perilously overloaded with boxes up a steep hill through what seemed a never-ending tunnel of wind.

The boxes ranged in size from the tiny ones that held lipstick to the ma.s.sive crates that held individual boxes of matzos for Pa.s.sover, which became a huge moneymaker and the major source of income. Moritz taught himself to design specialty boxes for everything from cigars to candy, and with two of his brothers-in-law who were sign painters made magisterial cardboard wreaths for wedding decorations and funeral services. The brothers took on many other forms of advertising that required Moritz's collaboration, all of which distinguished his work and made him a respected craftsman rather than a simple manufacturer, a profession of lesser status.

Moritz designed and manufactured bright blue canvas bags in which children carried their books and lunches, the 1920s version of the status bag that all schoolchildren wanted, with its manufacturer's label, "Atelier Steinberg," prominently displayed on the back. When Saul began elementary school, he was the envy of all the other children because his name was on the schoolbag and the bag was his father's creation. It brought him a high degree of respect, not to mention the admiration of all the little girls, and he strutted proudly whenever he carried it.

Saul had few of the usual toys that children cherish, because there were very few toys in Romania, which had been so ravaged by World War I and postwar reparations that until the mid-1920s its people survived on clothing and foodstuffs distributed through international relief organizations. This was yet another of the many "humiliations" that Rosa (enjoying her role of chronic victim) railed against when Moritz's brother Harry sent much-needed boxes of food and clothing from the Bronx. There were times when the family could not have survived without these care packages, but Rosa always managed to find fault with something or other-a coat that was too thin or too heavy, packets of food that were too savory or too stale.

Despite the lack of ordinary toys, to Saul, his father's factory was a wonderland. His favorite toys were sc.r.a.ps of embossed paper, colored cardboard, and rubber stamps, but most of all he liked the large wooden blocks of type used to create letters for posters. When his adult drawings began to feature personified letters and numbers, he disagreed with critics who thought it revolutionary and said it was "not such a great invention-it was something always known to me." He spent long days playing on the factory floor, "extremely high on elementary things, like the luminosity of the day and the smell of everything-mud, earth, humidity, the delicious smells of cellars and mold, grocers' shops." Throughout his life he filled his art with visual descriptions of smells, and the occasional jottings in his diary and much of his correspondence describe various smells that gave him pleasure or brought back memories of pleasures past. Smell was the sensation that evoked memory, and he likened everything in the factory to "the smell of an artist's studio, of collages." There were great vats of glue and pots of ink, wood being cut and shaved into standards for holding the hand-lettered signs or type for printing the words that decorated the large funeral wreaths. Vast stacks of paper had their own smells, some of which he later a.s.sociated with their colors and textures.

There were visual images as well. When the workers (mostly women and girls) made candy boxes, they used glossy paper on which they glued a chromolithography of a famous painting. Saul liked to watch them make lipstick holders, the first group of workers deftly twisting cardboard cylinders onto which others further down the line glued gold and silver foil, while still others awaited their turn to apply sequins and sparkles as the finis.h.i.+ng touch. Early on, even before he reached p.u.b.erty, he liked to watch the girls who worked on the factory floor line up before his father for their pay packets on payday. His observant eye noted the strutting boyfriends, fathers, and pimps who waited with outstretched hands to take their women's wages and head for the nearest tavern to drink them away.

At school he spoke Romanian and French, but at home and with his aunts and uncles he spoke "the secret language of my parents, Yiddish." He remembered going into his uncles' businesses, which were as magical as his father's factory. Rosa's family provided most of these fascinating uncles. Her brother Josef Jacobson and one brother-in-law, Moritz Grinberg, were both sign painters. Her sister Sali's husband, Simon Marcovic (Marcovici after they moved to Israel), was a shopkeeper who specialized in stationery, textbooks, and popular novels. In his store Saul read tales of Alexander the Great and adventures, as well as the book he liked best and read repeatedly, "the Thousand and One Nights, with those Oriental women wearing nothing but a few veils."

Two other uncles began as watchmakers but branched out in different directions: Rosa's brother Isac took the name Jacques and became the richest of them all when he added expensive jewelry to the watches he sold and repaired. Saul liked the smell of watchmaker's oil that permeated his shop but did not go there often because he was not allowed to get too close to the table where Uncle Jacques bent over a watch's innards; the slightest movement or the least little sneeze would send the tiny springs flying and bring down Jacques's formidable wrath.

Rosa's brother-in-law Jack Kramer sold musical instruments, gramophones, and phonograph records. Saul liked his shop better than Uncle Jacques's, because many of the clocks Uncle Jack sold played the stirring Romanian national anthem, "Reveille-toi, Roumain, du sommeil de la mort." In the window there was an automaton in the shape of a clown that moved its head and rolled its eyes, put there deliberately to entice the peasants in the Crucea de Piatra (the Stone Cross district), poor people just arriving from country villages who had never seen such a marvel.

Mostly, however, the Crucea de Piatra was home to prost.i.tutes, who filled street after street in one of the largest red-light districts in all of Europe. The boy Saul learned early on that there were elegant bordellos reserved for the rich, but the ones nearest his uncle's shop were "run-of-the-mill where ... these poor little wh.o.r.es mingled with the children, dogs, hens, roosters, ducks, a small garden, the flowers they were growing, the ripe tomatoes." He was entranced by all the activity, which "as is almost always the case in Romania, took place in the courtyard." The activity was especially fascinating on Sat.u.r.days, when the farmers' wives would come down from the country villages, not to sell their foodstuffs but to sell themselves. Young girls and older matrons came dressed in their everyday work dresses, ap.r.o.ns, and muddy boots, to stake out their places and wait for resident men and boys to claim them. Housewives stayed inside and shooed their daughters away from the windows but had no control over their young sons, who raced around teasing "the wh.o.r.es" and jousting with each other to see who could cause the most mischief and gain the best view of the goings-on. Saul was very young when the older boys in his building on the Strada Palas told him about s.e.x, but he preferred to watch quietly from the sidelines rather than join in their teasing. For him, it was not the most fortunate introduction to the intricacies of human s.e.xual relations.h.i.+ps; he had no interest in the farmwomen, who were unwashed and smelly.

Adolf was the uncle Saul liked least, the one he denoted with just his first name after he married the only plain Jacobson sister. This was probably not so unusual, because no one else in the family ever called Adolf anything but "the other bookseller." To young Saul, he was merely "a fat lame man." The most romantic of all was another uncle by marriage, Micu Cohen, a croupier who worked the gambling tables in a Black Sea resort town. Saul liked to watch Uncle Micu at work whenever his parents took him there on holidays, and insisted that his adult penchant for casino gambling started with the thrill he got from watching Uncle Micu's sleight of hand.

Saul was closest to his Aunt Sali's husband, Simon Marcovic. He was happy when Rosa sent him to the shop at Christmastime to help sell German toys and gla.s.s tree ornaments, but mostly to help Uncle Simon by watching the customers, "almost all of them thieves." The store was a wonderland of pens, pencils, and ink; of notebooks filled with ruled and graph paper; of sponges for cleaning slates and powder-blue paper to cover textbooks; of labels on which the pupil could write his name and the name of the school. Being in Uncle Simon's shop was almost as good as being in his father's factory, and both places provided memories and sensations that found their way into his adult art.

Another of his favorite schoolboy pastimes was to visit the widowed Mme. Stibal and her paralytic son, who lived several houses away from his own on the Strada Palas. Mme. Stibal collected postcards to entertain her child, and she always welcomed Saul because he was content to pore over them for hours on end, putting them in various arrangements that would allow him to comment and create stories for his own amus.e.m.e.nt as well as the boy's.

What with all these outlets for his imagination, it was not unusual that Saul would develop a natural proclivity toward the visual arts, and so too did Lica. One of their first exposures came though the chromolithographies of famous paintings that Moritz chose to decorate the candy boxes and other specialty boxes. He selected the ones he wanted to use from a collection of reproductions he kept at home, fat bound volumes that contained everything from Renaissance madonnas to what const.i.tuted modern art before 1920 that was deemed suitable for Romanian consumption. Moritz often spent his evenings looking at the books, and Lica and Saul liked to sit beside him. It marked the first time that the children saw such paintings as Raphael's Dresden Madonna, with what they called the "thinking angel," or Millet's Angelus, which was to become another of the many totems Saul used in his mature drawings and painting.

Lica's interests were more specialized than Saul's: she was fascinated by process, by such formal, rule-bound expressions of creativity as etching and engraving. She wanted to understand how art was done, whereas Saul was more interested in what the artist was thinking when he created it. As an adult, when Lica strove to master the techniques of printmaking and etching, he called her actions a preference for a "suffering profession." From childhood he preferred to draw freehand, and one of his earliest images became one of his most varied and lasting, repeated in many different versions and guises in his adult art. This he called simply "a man on horseback," and the first time he drew it was after he saw King Ferdinand I in a parade with Queen Marie and their children, the king decked out in the finery of a fairy tale and riding a sweaty black horse, followed by the royal carriage drawn by six white horses with white-and-purple plumes on their heads. Inside the carriage sat the queen and other members of the royal family, all of them heavily made up, all the males dressed in military uniforms loaded down with decorations, all the women glittering with jewels and crowns and tiaras on their heads. "Remember," he instructed himself many years later, recalling how the streets were covered with fresh sand for the parade; how policemen stood alert, ready to blow shrill whistles at the crowd that was bursting against ropes and barricades as people strained to see; and especially the dog, for there was always a mangy cur who wandered onto the street just before the king's carriage pa.s.sed by, to everyone's consternation. Steinberg heard his mother and aunts discussing for days afterward the details of the queen's dress, and how one of the princesses was getting fat, and how the king was so old he must be dead, embalmed, and stuffed with straw to keep him upright.

These were all images that Steinberg used in many different forms throughout his mature career, and there were many times after he became a celebrated artist that he was asked-or even that he asked himself-about the origins of such childlike simplicity. Critics compared him to everyone from Pica.s.so to Joyce, Mozart, and Kafka, but most often comparisons were made to Paul Klee. It seemed as if, no matter who or where, an interviewer or a critic could not ask Steinberg about the sources of his art without facilely invoking Klee's name, which was unfailingly irritating. "Too many geniuses-Steinberg claims only his own," declared an Italian television interviewer, one of the many who tried but could not slot him into a particular category or ism.

"To solve once and for all the problem of Klee," Steinberg told the art critic Grace Glueck, "I want to say this, that Klee did not influence me. The relations.h.i.+p between Klee and myself is that we are both children who never stopped drawing." Steinberg believed that he and Klee both derived ideas from the original source of children's art. He insisted that every sort of spontaneous or stylized drawing, such as the folk art of primitive peoples, originated there, and he placed himself and Klee among the primitives: "They are the ones who truly used the line in order to say something-it's a form of writing-so this is the relation between Klee and myself, this love of graphology, popular graphology, children's graphology, and so on." And as far as he was concerned, that was it; there would be no further comment about Paul Klee's influence coming from him, because "every explanation is an over-explanation."

He did, however, speak more kindly and fully of Klee's influence in private conversations with friends, but only when he was the one to introduce the topic, usually with a particular remark of Klee's that he never tired of misquoting. Klee said "a line is a dot that went for a walk," but Steinberg changed it to "a line is a thought that went for a walk." This, he told his avid audiences, was well worth pondering.

Probably the closest he got to a thoughtful and truthful response to questions of origin and influence came during the 1970s, when he engaged in rambling conversations with his trusted friend Aldo Buzzi, which were published as the book Reflections and Shadows. Steinberg volunteered that he had once asked himself "how children and lunatics used to draw" and described himself as an "ill.u.s.trator" whose style had not changed since he was a small child, when he drifted through his father's factory and his uncles' shops and tried to re-create what he saw there. He believed that this was what made him different from other artists, who often encountered problems when they approached maturity, because all too often their tendency was "to stop drawing in a childish manner-or to stop [drawing] entirely, or to begin drawing in an academic style." That had not happened to him, he insisted, because he had trained himself to retain the att.i.tude of a child who looks at the external world and sees things as if for the first time. Equally important, he had not changed what he called his way of describing what he saw. He used the term line loosely, to describe both his technique and how he chose to portray his subjects and express his ideas, and insisted for the rest of his life that the most important thing about his line was that it was "the same one I acquired back then."

Steinberg's earliest extant drawing is one he made at age eleven and dated October 24, 1925, on the back of a photograph of his kindergarten cla.s.s. It appears to be of an authority figure, a bearded man in a high-collared jacket and uniform cap with a visor. Two other drawings exist from his schooldays, probably done when he was fifteen or sixteen. Both are charcoal and show his awareness of and attempts to create line and shadow, an indication that they were exercises done for a high school art cla.s.s. One is a six-sided pyramid, both shaded and with its own shadow; the other is a profile portrait of his father's head. Despite being the rendering of a beginning artist, the drawing portrays a good man beset by the cares and woes of daily life and shows the artist's early ability to convey emotional complexity.

There is an aura about the portrait that, with hindsight, conveys sadness, probably because the adult Steinberg believed that his father had had a sad life and he himself had been a sad little boy. He said it was not until he became a teenager that he understood why he was sad, and how, in order to survive, he had to become an observer of rather than a partic.i.p.ant in his daily life. When his friend the critic Dore Ashton told Steinberg that she thought the mature drawings he made of his Bucharest childhood mimicked the style of some Middle European children's book ill.u.s.trations, he said he made them with an air of incredulity, because he could not believe that he had originated in such a land of "pure Dada," a "masquerade country," an "Art Deco World peopled by Byzantium man." Being Romanian was a complicated matter, Steinberg told Ashton, for it didn't matter how long a Jew had lived in Romania, he was still a foreigner.

CHAPTER 3.

A WUNDERKIND WITHOUT KNOWING IT.

Saul liked to tell the story about how a Romanian man was sent by his family to the U.S. on a s.h.i.+p, with everything they thought he should have from his homeland: pots, pans, pillows, mattresses. This was his entire luggage, and when he left the s.h.i.+p, somebody stole it all. There was nothing left to remind him of Romania, and he was gloriously happy.

Steinberg described himself as "a culturally born Levantine [whose] country goes from a little east of Milan, all the way to Afghanistan." His reflections on being brought up Romanian were surreal enough to convince him that Dada could not have been invented anywhere else, and that was why everyone from Tristan Tzara to Eugene Ionesco had to come from Romania, the implication being that like so many other compatriots who later became his friends-Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran, Norman Manea, and especially Ionesco-he too had to get out. From his earliest schoolboy memories, he thought of himself as an outsider and an observer who looked at his "patria" from a distanced perspective. Like most children, he wanted to fit in and be like everyone else, but he found it impossible. He received no feeling of normality from interacting with his peers; that came only when he was drawing.

When he reflected upon how his patria influenced his art, he tried to recall his earliest childhood so that he could a.s.sign blame to his circ.u.mstances, but almost every time he did, his account conflicted with similar ones. In some he thought he had probably been happy because he was simply too young to recognize the deep-seated anti-Semitism that permeated his "sewer" of a country. He was happy at Christmas, for example, when he joined neighborhood children of all religious persuasions to make bouquets of artificial flowers out of filmy pink and mauve paper, all highlighted with gold sparkles and tied with wire to wooden wands that they waved as they went through the streets singing Christmas carols and touching people on the shoulders to wish them a good year. He thought the flower wands were "the most beautiful colors" he had ever seen, and when he was an old man, they remained one of his "most important and strongest memories" of childhood. And yet in other accounts he insisted that his sadness had begun in infancy and by the age of ten had become his dominant emotion, even though he did not understand what caused it until he was a teenager. It was only then that he learned through personal experiences how restricted daily life was for Romanian Jews, and when he began to seek what he thought of as normalcy, he found it only through drawing and reading.

The society into which he was born was a complex one, especially for a transplanted Jew of Russian origin whose family spoke Yiddish as their common language. Romania had been a Turkish colony and part of the Ottoman Empire for several centuries, during which it became home to what Steinberg called "Levantine people-Lebanese, Turks, Persians, Egyptians, not to mention Greeks." His compatriots were an ethnic blend of peoples who looked not to Western Europe but to the East and to Asia for cultural sophistication, even as they conducted themselves according to the rigid Austro-Hungarian code of manners, beliefs, and behavior that had been superimposed by the ruling Hapsburgs. And yet despite the cultural mishmash of all these conflicting "Levantine" cultures, Bucharest took so much pride in patterning itself after all things French that it was known as the "Paris of the Balkans."

The physical city of Steinberg's childhood was one of contrasts and contradictions, of huge villas lining broad avenues that bore the grand French name chausees even though they were really dirt roads, obstacle courses marred by piles of horse dung and scoured and rutted by the wheels of carriages. The mansions were patterned after the imposing homes in the faubourgs of Paris from which they took their French names, with the most imposing lining the Calea Victoriei, the only street with a Romanian name because it was home to the king's palace and the most important government buildings. It too was a study in contrasts, rutted with cobblestones that did not deter luxury cars such as Lagondas and Hispano-Suizas from hurtling along, forced to swerve often to avoid hitting oxcarts or cl.u.s.ters of Gypsies who were cooking their dinners over patches of burning tar in the middle. Steinberg called such visions "a mixture of honey and s.h.i.+t, from which, as in real life, only happy memories remain."

YOUNG SAUL LOVED THE HOUSE WHERE he grew up. His happiest memories were connected with life at Strada Palas 9, a one-story house built into an interior courtyard of apartment buildings, much like all the others in the Antem and Ura.n.u.s neighborhoods. It was "a society with no mysteries, where daily life was conducted in the courtyard and where doors were always open and anyone could look in the windows." Trees surrounded the house, and in the daytime, the light coming into the courtyard was "luminous." He was "charmed ... by sundown reflected on walls, colors," and as an elderly man was moved when certain colors gave him momentary pangs of happiness because he remembered them from childhood. There were vegetable and rose gardens that created "all sorts of smelly perfumed places." Children played on roofs or in attics, and there was a constant parade of noises, friends, and neighbors. Animals roamed freely; chickens were treated as domestic animals and were permitted to wander in and out of houses as easily as dogs and cats; ferocious geese could also go wherever they wanted, but local lore considered it outrageous to have a duck inside a house.

No domestic animals dared to enter the impeccable Steinberg kitchen or the heavily furnished, ornately wallpapered dining and living rooms. "Everything had to appear nice," and the house was layered with embroideries, curtains, drapes, and antimaca.s.sars. Rosa dressed Saul and Lica "like cabbages"; Lica wore fussy dresses with big collars and huge hair bows that held back her straight bobbed hair, while Saul was stuffed into stiff white s.h.i.+rts and fawn-colored suits with short pants. Even as a child he recognized that in comparison with Rosa and her immaculate household, her house-proud sisters "lived like pigs." The Steinbergs were prosperous and could afford a servant, so Rosa engaged one of the many Romany girls who came down from the dirt-poor mountain villages. Rosa was a tough and frequently abusive taskmaster, but despite occasional shouting matches and hurled crockery, the girl stayed with her for all the years they lived on the Strada Palas.

When Lica was old enough for kindergarten, Saul tagged along with her, so they were in the same cla.s.s and often the same cla.s.sroom for most of their early education. Boys were not separated from girls until secondary education, and in keeping with the Romanian love of costume, they had to wear uniforms. Saul donned a lesser version of something military, a dark blue suit and cap, highly polished black boots, and a lighter blue scarf whose color signified his school. He also wore a sleeve patch with a number that denoted both him and his school: LMB, for the Liceul Matei Basarab, and 586, for his "identification and denunciation."

The Liceul Matei Basarab, more commonly called by the French name, Lycee Basarab, was a highly compet.i.tive secondary state school for which students had to pa.s.s a rigorous entrance examination and where Saul learned a hard lesson: that in every single cla.s.s, Jews were always outcasts, outsiders, or pariahs. He had not encountered this in his elementary school, in a neighborhood where the other students came from backgrounds similar to his. Those children were a hodgepodge of native and transplanted Jews from many nations, all of whom accepted each other and wanted only to meld into Romanian nationality.

As an adult, Saul Steinberg described himself as a "wunderkind ... without knowing it," for he did not realize until he was no longer there that it was the only way for a young Jewish boy to survive, let alone prosper, in Romania. Education offered the way up and out, and he was one of the students who did well in most subjects. He had not yet encountered overt anti-Semitism when he entered the Lycee Basarab-that only happened once he was there-and he began his studies as "a true native, proud of my country, seriously involved in loving it, thinking this was my life, my future and my pride."

Just getting to school every day was quite an adventure, because it was on the opposite side of Bucharest from home, far from the secure h.o.m.ogeneity of his own district. He commuted on a decrepit American streetcar, where he had the experiences that led to his discovery of how deeply anti-Semitism permeated everything. It suffused him with shame at the time and imbued him with lifelong rage as an adult, when he became deeply embarra.s.sed whenever he had to admit he had been born in Romania.

Nonetheless, being admitted to the Lycee Basarab and wearing its uniform put him into an elite cla.s.s and offered his first opportunity to forge relations.h.i.+ps with non-Jews even as such daily contact brought the horrific realization that "people literally showed hatred." As an adult, Steinberg liked to use the word divorce to characterize ending everything from a friends.h.i.+p to a business agreement, and in this instance he said he "divorced" the entire country when he discovered the shame of not being wanted. He remembered the school as "an inferno of screams, slaps, toilets!" where only the French professor, who sometimes told bawdy stories, offered rare gestures of friends.h.i.+p and kindness that he remembered for the rest of his life.

Within the lycee, the enrollment was more than half Jewish, so he learned to avoid the cla.s.ses and places where he encountered discrimination and tried to befriend Jewish boys who were like him. There was a clear division within the school that placed the students into three categories, and all the boys were aware of it. The first and highest comprised the "extremely sophisticated aristocratic Romanians," who were in a social cla.s.s all their own and who socialized only with each other. The lowest cl.u.s.ter was "for the peasants, the troglodytes, the simple ones who ... were in contact with primitive culture," whom he avoided. The remaining category was made up of the boys with whom he could interact, or, more accurately, those with whom he was socially comfortable and wanted to interact-other Jewish boys who were also cognizant of where they fit into the school's scheme of things. Such an understanding meant that they accepted the role of wunderkind by studying hard in the hope that good grades would admit them into a desired way of life, which, depending on the student's degree of intelligence, could range from a profession to the military, government service, or a satisfactory trade.

The problem for a young Romanian Jewish boy like Saul Steinberg in the 1920s was that he was "part of a civilization that had to be improvised." The country was so new that there were few models to emulate: "We had no model in literature. We had no tradition of character." Even more poignant was how difficult it was to find "an adult, a respectable adult" on whom to model himself: "Of course one has in the family an adult, a father, et cetera, but these are adults that one loves and one doesn't quite respect them sufficiently to want to be like them." In his case, this was especially true.

External politics were tremendously influential in determining how the teenage Saul regarded his elders and how he and his father related to each other when he became an adult. It was grim to be a Jew in Romania in the 1920s and 1930s, and it was especially grim for the men of Moritz's generation. The end of World War I did not bring peace, as Romania's armies kept fighting Russia and Hungary in order to protect the four territories they had been awarded by treaty: Transylvania, Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Dobruja. Acquiring these lands doubled the country in size just when its resources had been so plundered and devastated that the original population could not survive without great infusions of foreign aid, which came only in sporadic dribbles. The future American president Herbert Hoover was shocked by "the minuteness of the German despoliation," as the departing occupiers stole anything that could be carried or s.h.i.+pped home and destroyed everything that could not.

The American amba.s.sador, Charles J. Vopicka, told his government that the country had been stripped and looted first by the Germans and then by the Russians, who followed them, and he "urged and begged in the name of humanity ... that relief be sent as soon as possible." Romanian famine was not a priority among Western leaders, noted the biographer of Queen Marie, who herself bemoaned that medals were being stamped in honor of Woodrow Wilson "whilst one cannot obtain a single engine that would help us to feed our starving population." Steinberg's memory of wartime hunger stemmed from the time when he was four or five and Rosa trained him and Lica to say "No thanks, we have that at home" whenever they visited neighbors and were offered cookies or cakes. They were allowed to take one only if the neighbor insisted.

By 1919 the situation of Romania, but most particularly of its Jews, was one of the most heated topics at the Paris Peace Conference. A fiery argument broke out between Queen Marie and Woodrow Wilson over which country's minority population was treated worse, American Negroes or Romanian Jews. Wilson appeared to win when he provided evidence that Jews were removed from their usual battlefield stations and placed at the front of the front lines to be the first killed in the fighting with Hungary and Russia. Things worsened until July, when the Romanian prime minister walked out of the Paris negotiations, inspiring King Ferdinand to put the blame on "American Jews, bankers, and big businessmen" for trying to exploit Romania's natural resources for their own corrupt ends. He further inflamed his citizens when he blamed the Romanian Jewish community for contributing to "the cause of the economical and financial crisis." A year later, the usually tolerant Queen Marie echoed his sentiments when she said she tried "hard to feel towards [Romanian Jews] as I do to other nationalities, but ever again I am appalled by their extraordinary physical hideousness."

Thus by the late 1920s, when Saul was making his daily trek to the lycee, the country was in disarray and the climate was ripe for the rise of an ultra-right political movement fervently dedicated to the tenets of the Romanian Orthodox religion and just as fervently obsessed with anti-communism and anti-Semitism. This was the Iron Guard, whose official name was the Legion of the Archangel Michael, organized in 1927 by the charismatic mystic Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, who found his most willing volunteers among peasants, young and idealistic intellectuals, and disaffected shopkeepers and civil servants. Not everyone who wanted to join the Iron Guard was accepted: the fanatical thugs who followed Codreanu were an elite group who had to prove themselves in a three-year apprentices.h.i.+p, during which they were imbued with the ideologies of violent action in the name of religion, sacrificial death, and, if necessary, political suicide. By the time they finished training, they were ruthless terrorists, and they were the ones who patrolled and menaced the route to school that Saul took every day.

THIS WAS THE POLITICAL CLIMATE IN which Moritz Steinberg, his brothers, and his brothers-in-law tried to remain as un.o.btrusive as possible while they worked hard to make their businesses prosper and provide stable homes for their families. They kept their heads down and tried to avoid those who demanded bribes, and they learned how to placate them if they could not avoid having to pay. They learned not to engage with those who taunted them and to fade quietly away from those who made actual threats to their livelihood. Even though their sons were just as powerless, they rankled at such caution, which they perceived as a lack of backbone. It was hard for Saul in particular, who saw himself as partic.i.p.ating in "a social cla.s.s revolution...definitely going ahead and taking part in a cultural world that was remote and more advanced than the one of our parents." For him, Moritz was "the weak part of my family. He has not courage or will." Even worse, "he has always been absentminded," a quality Saul detested.