The Life of the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles W. Dilke Volume I Part 25

At this period Sir Charles Dilke had entered into relations with Lord Randolph Churchill, who was virtually against the policy of the Government and yet 'open-mouthed in his general dislike of Lord Derby and Lord Carnarvon, though in complete agreement with their principles.' The Fourth Party did not yet exist. Nor was it in this Parliament that Lord Randolph achieved ascendancy.

'As late as the autumn of 1880 Lord Beaconsfield was to style Randolph "only Dilke and water"; but had he lived for another twelvemonth longer he would not have used this language, for Churchill had then developed a very different "Moloch of Midlothian" style, and had made himself through his party a greater power than I ever was.'

The attempt to concert action between independent Tory and independent Radical began after the great scare of February 6th. [Footnote: This correspondence was placed at Mr. Winston Churchill's disposal by Sir Charles Dilke, and used by him in the _Life of Lord Randolph Churchill._ Sir Stafford Northcote was leader of the House of Commons and Chancellor of the Exchequer.]

'On February 7th negotiations between Randolph Churchill and myself began as to moving an address to the Crown praying that the objects with which England should enter any Conference that might be held, should be European and civilized rather than pro-Turkish. On this day he wrote to me:

'"MY DEAR SIR CHARLES DILKE,

'"As I suppose this debate will come to a close with an enormous and disproportionate majority for the Government, and as I think the Opposition have made their stand on an unfortunate ground, and that another fight might yet be fought with far greater chances of commanding sympathy in the country, I want to know whether, if an address to the Crown praying Her Majesty to use her influence at the Conference in favour of the widest possible freedom to Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Thessaly, and Epirus, and in favour of totally and finally putting an end to all direct Turkish Government in these provinces, was moved by me on the Tory side of the House, it would be supported by the Liberal party. I think I could almost make sure of a strong Home Rule vote on this. I think some Conservatives would support it. If Northcote does not give some very clear intimation of what is going to be the policy of the Government, I think a motion of this sort should be made on the Report. The real cry for the country is not sympathy with Russia, still less with Turkey, but complete freedom for the Slav and h.e.l.lenic nationalities. I am off to Ireland to-night. I don't care enough for the Government to vote for them. ...

I shall see b.u.t.t in Dublin, and shall sound him on what I have written to you. My address is Phoenix Park, Dublin. Please excuse this lone letter.

'"Yours truly,

'"RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL."

'The reference to b.u.t.t is curious, and the address of "Phoenix Park,"

for Lord Randolph was at this time private secretary to his father, who was Viceroy of Ireland, and was living in the Viceregal Lodge, which, of course, is in the Phoenix Park. How far the Duke of Marlborough was cognizant of the intrigues between his son and the Irish I never knew, but at one time relations were very close."

[Footnote: Sir John Gorst read this chapter in 1913 and wrote:

"With Randolph's negotiations with the Irish at this time I had nothing to do. I was not cognizant of them; I never acted with R.

before 1880.

"So far as I knew, the alliance between the Fourth Party and the Irish leader arose in this way: In the 1880 Parliament Parnell had not enough men to move an adjournment of the House--in those days the most effective form of obstruction. Forty members must stand up. On one occasion after 1880, P., wanting to move an adjournment, sought an interview with us--Balfour may or may not have been present. He stated his case, and we replied that the matter was a proper case for an adjournment, and we and those we could influence would stand up in support. He thanked us and was leaving the room, when R., twirling his moustache, said: 'I suppose, Mr. Parnell, that in cases of this kind there will be a little reciprocity.' After that, when we moved adjournments, the Parnellite members always stood up for us.--J. E.

G."]

'On February 8th Lord Randolph wrote:

'"THE CASTLE, DUBLIN.

'"DEAR SIR CHARLES DILKE,

'"Many thanks for your two letters. As you say, things remain in such an uncertain state nothing can be done. The Government have too great an advantage, but I think if we are led into taking any decisive steps hostile to Russia, a great effort should be made for an authoritative declaration that the ultimate aim and object of any move on our part is the complete freedom and independence of the Slav nationality, as opposed to any reconstruction of the Turkish Empire. This I am sure should be the line for the Liberal party, and not the peace-at-any- price cry which it is evident the country won't have. In this I shall be ready to co-operate heartily as far as my poor efforts can be any good. It is just possible that if any movement of this kind be made it would be better for it to originate from the Conservative side of the House. I regret to see so much excitement getting up among the ma.s.ses.

It is dangerous matter for Beaconsfield to work on. Would you think me very foolish or visionary if I say that I look for a republican form of Government for Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina, as far more to be preferred than some German, Russian, or other Prince set up as a puppet under the name of const.i.tutional monarchy? Perhaps if these ideas seem at all to your liking, and if you think they would command the support of the Liberal party, you would advise me what appeared to you the most favourable moment for bringing them forward. I shall have some conversation with b.u.t.t, and have great hope of securing a solid Irish vote on any proposition which might seem to favour the self- government of nationalities.

'"Yours truly,

'"_February 8th_.

'"RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL.

'A few days later Lord Randolph telegraphed to me from Careysville, Fermoy: "I shall be in London Monday morning. Am not ambitious of taking any prominent part unless it might contribute to the advantage of ideas which I think we have in common that a motion should be made from my side of the House. I leave it absolutely to your judgment."

'On this telegram I wrote to Lord Granville, who replied, dating his letter "September 13th" by mistake for February 13th:

'" 18, CARLTON HOUSE TERRACE.

'"MY DEAR DILKE,

'"Such a motion as Lord R. C. proposes, supported by a certain number of Conservatives, might be well worth consideration. But I doubt his getting any Conservative support, and a contingent of Home Rulers would hardly justify us in making another attack upon Plevna just yet, with the probable alternative of either a crus.h.i.+ng defeat or a second withdrawal in face of the enemy. I gather that you are doubtful. What did Hartington think?

'"Yours sincerely,

'"GRANVILLE.

'"If R. Churchill could give you evidence on which you felt you _could rely_ that he would have real Conservative support, the case would be different."

'Hartington thought nothing, merely recommended acceptance of Lord Granville's advice. Lord Granville's mistake in date was characteristic, for, while a most able man who did not, in my opinion, decline in intellectual vigour during the many years in which he took a great part in public affairs, he always had the habit of subst.i.tution of words, and I have known him carry on a long conversation with me at the Foreign Office about the proceedings of two Amba.s.sadors who were engaged on the opposite sides in a great negotiation, and call A "B," and B "A," through the whole of it, which was, to say the least, confusing. He also sometimes entirely forgot the princ.i.p.al name in connection with the subject, as, for example, that of Mr. Gladstone when Prime Minister, and had to resort to the most extraordinary forms of language in order to convey his meaning.

'Randolph wrote after his telegram from a fis.h.i.+ng lodge on the Irish Blackwater:

'"MY DEAR SIR CHARLES,

'"I have sent you a telegram which I think you will understand. I am sure that my views, whatever they are worth, are in accordance with your speech, and Harcourt's, and Gladstone's, on the question of the future policy of this country. I am convinced that under the present circ.u.mstances no motion should be unduly hastened on. There is lots of time. If I was asked to move a resolution my speech would be an attack on Chaplin, Wolff, and the rest of the Pro-Turkish party, confidence in the Government and invitation to the Liberal party to act as a whole. I feel I am awfully young to endeavour to initiate such a line; but I am so convinced of the soundness of our views that I would risk a smash willingly to have them properly brought forward. If only your party would agree as a whole to support a resolution moved from my side, the Government would only at the best have a majority of 80, after 190, and that would be a check. I shall see b.u.t.t before arriving in London, and endeavour to make him take up a position upon this question. The Government are apparently doing their 'level best' to keep the peace, and perhaps another debate might not be unwelcome to them.

'"Yours very truly,

'"_February 15th._ '"RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL.

'In reply, and in consequence of Lord Granville's suggestion, I pressed him closely as to who would vote with him, and he wrote:

'"CASTLE BERNARD, '"BANDON.

'"MY DEAR SIR CHARLES,

'"In reply to your letter I shall be over in London on the 26th inst., and I think it will be time enough then to make my motion. I should not like to make it unless it would command the support of a large number of members. Such support could only come from your side. I think the Conservative party are gone mad. Their speeches are calculated to provoke war. As it is so uncertain whether we shall go to war or to a Conference, I think I had better wait a little, as, though the motion should, I think, be made in any case, the terms of it would vary very much according to either alternative.... I know of no one except Forsyth whom I could ask to ballot for me. If the motion commanded much support, I should certainly like to press it even to a division. Cowen's speech (and the vociferous cheers of the C. party) evidently shows that the idea of the integrity and independence of the Turkish Empire is still predominant on our side, and against that I would try to go a great way. I should, of course, be very glad if you would second any motion of the nature of those sketched.... I send a sketch of it.

'"Yours very truly,

'"RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL."

'"_Draft of Motion._

'"That in view of the extreme sufferings so long undergone by the Slav, Bulgarian, and h.e.l.lenic nationalities of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Thessaly, and Epirus, and considering that the Turkish rule over these provinces has now been definitely put an end to, the efforts of Her Majesty's Government, in the opinion of the House of Commons, should be princ.i.p.ally directed towards the establishment of the complete freedom and independence of the populations of these provinces."

'I have in my diary on Friday the 15th the note: "See Chamberlain as to Churchill's plan, and say I won't go to a meeting." Evidently I had seen that Churchill was unsafe.

'When Randolph Churchill came back to town I discovered, or rather he discovered and told me, that old Walpole, the ex-Home Secretary, was the only member upon his own side who would even pretend that he would vote with him, and when it came to the point on one occasion, Walpole himself said that he should go away.'

Preparations for war were pressed on till, on March 3rd, the signing of the Treaty of San Stefano, which put an end to Turkish rule in Bulgaria, seemed to close the crisis. But instantly the trouble broke out again. The British Government claimed that this new treaty, since it altered the European settlement ratified in 1856 by the Treaty of Paris, must be submitted to and endorsed by a Congress of the Powers. Russia declined to be thus bound, and a new crisis arose in which Lord Derby, who had withdrawn his previous resignation, now finally gave up the Secretarys.h.i.+p of Foreign Affairs, being succeeded by Lord Salisbury.

In 1881 Sir Charles, while Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, became aware that Lord Derby's retention of office after his first resignation had been little more than nominal. He says in the Memoir for that year:

'In the course of my researches among the Tunis papers I discovered the curious fact that in February and March, 1878, foreign affairs were being conducted by a committee of the Cabinet, consisting of Lord Beaconsfield, Lord Cairns, and Lord Salisbury, and that Lord Derby, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was virtually shelved for the whole period. At this moment Lord Beaconsfield proposed the creation of a Mediterranean league for the maintenance of the _status quo_ in the Mediterranean: England, France, Italy, and Greece to be first consulted, and Austria to come in afterwards if she pleased.

Italy declining, the scheme collapsed. Foolish Italy!'

While in Parliament the Tory party was ridding itself of its 'peace men,'

party feeling out of doors ran to unusual heights. These were the days when a music-hall song added a word to the political vocabulary, and the "jingo" crowd signalized its patriotism by wrecking Mr. Gladstone's windows at 73, Harley Street, where he went to live after his retirement from the Liberal leaders.h.i.+p.

'On Sunday, March 10th, in coming back from the Grosvenor Gallery, I pa.s.sed a great mob, who were going to howl at Mr. Gladstone--at this time the ordinary Sunday afternoon diversion of the London rough.'