The Plantagenets: The Three Edwards Part 8

Queen Isabella wrote to her father, "I am the most wretched of wives." Once she wrote that Piers de Gaveston was the cause of all her troubles, adding that the king had become "an entire stranger to my bed." King Philip responded by continuing his intrigue with the leading barons, particularly with the Earl of Lancaster, who was always ready for any course of action directed against the king.

5.

The favorite remained in Ireland for a year and seems to have conducted himself rather well. At any rate, he put down native disaffection and established a degree of peace in the part of the country lying about Dublin and known as the Pale. But Ireland, he felt, was not a proper setting for his brilliant gifts and he even went to the extent of addressing letters to the King of France, begging his a.s.sistance in having the ban raised. He wrote to the Pope, beseeching to be freed from the ban of the Church. He had no success with that man of few words but violent deeds, Philip the Once Fair, but the Pope looked on his plea with leniency and removed the ban of excommunication.

Brother Perrot returned to England at once with an almost regal train. With him were Irish malcontents, a few Englishmen, and a great many foreigners, including some needy Gascons. They landed at Milford Haven and made their way like conquering heroes to Chester, where the prodigal (as he was sometimes called) was received with affection and pleasure by King Edward. Things had been going a little better in the country. Baronial nerves had recovered to some extent as a result of a year's relief from the presence of Gaveston. For one reason or another the council was persuaded to look with leniency on the case of the homecomer. A Parliament was held at Stamford on July 27, 1309, and an active minority headed by the Earl of Gloucester worked hard for him. Gloucester was his brother-in-law, still a minor and a young man of some instability. Gloucester's sister was not too happy in her marriage with the vain Gascon, but the brother nevertheless used all the influence he could bring to bear and finally succeeded in getting a favorable vote. It was agreed that Gaveston could remain and the earldom of Cornwall was restored to him.

This was a great victory, and if the insolent alien had possessed any common sense at all he might have settled down to a peaceful life on his share of the immense Clare holdings which had come to him with his wife. But Gaveston was a vainglorious winner as well as a poor loser. He must make a public display of his victory. He loved tournaments and, to do him justice, he had a sure seat in the saddle and a deft hand with the lance. It happened that the king had arranged to hold a tilting at Wallingford, and Gaveston decided to make this the scene of his public vindication.

The old Roman town of Wallingford, standing in the flat valley of the Thames about halfway between Reading and Oxford, was in a holiday mood for the tournament. Flags flew from the high turrets of the castle and pennants fluttered from the pavilions of the knights. Spectators had been coming for days, and now the common people were beginning to arrive, barefooted, with their shoes slung over their backs to save the soles but quite proud nevertheless in their new courtepys (which they called court-pies), a garment which aped the knightly tabard but was made of inferior cloth.

This was one of the brilliant events of the reign. The men in the stands, having doffed their riding cloaks, were as gay as peac.o.c.ks, from their liripiped and plumed hats, topper-shaped and made of beaver, to the upturned tips of their toes. The cote-hardie, which was relatively new, was already giving way to a garment called the doublet, which was so attractive and at the same time so practical that it would continue in use for centuries. It was a sleeveless coat (later it would be fitted with puffed and slashed sleeves), fitting the chest rather snugly and going only to the waist.

The ladies, still drab and overly modest in their long kirtles and tunics and robes, were beginning to a.s.sert themselves a little against their popinjay husbands. Audacious things were being done with their headdresses, making them still higher and rather like windmills, and they were wearing their hair in long braids tied with gay ribbons.

Piers de Gaveston showed unusual restraint in arriving before the king and queen and riding direct to the tilt house, a temporary structure with a sloping roof and blinds on the sides. He was followed by many knights and squires, however, and his s.h.i.+ning armor was of the best; from the continent, forsooth, and fitted with the latest articulations for shoulders, elbows, and knees. He did not wear the cyclas, a loose surcoat, because it was an English invention and therefore not fas.h.i.+onable. Undoubtedly he expressed some umbrage that he was cla.s.sed with the challengers instead of the champions, and when he came out for action there was little or no applause. The n.o.bility scowled and Queen Isabella went suddenly quiet and seemed to lose all pleasure in the tilting.

Gaveston gave the n.o.bility more cause for mortification by outs.h.i.+ning and outpointing them in the jousting. He had many gifts, this insolent Gascon, and one was his great skill with weapons. At the close of the tilting, however, he proceeded to throw away all the favor he had won for himself by his prowess. His tongue began to wag and he gave free rein to a gift he had for finding nicknames. He tossed his quips about with an airy unconcern for consequences.

Cousin Lancaster he called The Fiddler because that man of dull wit had arrayed himself in a rather outlandish attempt to follow the latest fas.h.i.+ons.

His own brother-in-law, Gloucester, was loudly libeled as Filz puteyne, the wh.o.r.e's son, an allusion to willful Princess Joanna, who had run away and married a man not even a knight when her elderly first husband died.

The Earl of Pembroke, Aymer de Valence, who had a prominent nose and a dark complexion, became Joseph the Jew.

The Earl of Lincoln, who was heavy of build, was dubbed M'sieur Boele Crevee or Burst-belly.

Finally he spoke of the Earl of Warwick, who had the unfortunate habit of foaming at the mouth, as The Mad Hound.

"Let him call me hound!" cried Warwick in a black rage and probably lending point to the witticism. "Someday the hound will destroy him!"

6.

While Edward was thus allowing his insolent favorite to undermine him with all cla.s.ses of people from Cousin Lancaster down to the lowest kitchen knave, the situation in Scotland drifted into a curious and costly impa.s.se. Robert the Bruce was king, but he was still a king without a country. The people of Scotland had been won over to him, with the exception of the adherents of the Comyn family, but all the great fortresses were in English hands. There was no possibility of establis.h.i.+ng peace and order in the land until the forts had been reduced and the English expelled. The Bruce proceeded to this task with great determination.

It thus became necessary for the English king to maintain strong garrisons in the Scottish fortresses, which meant that supplies had to be sent in by sea at very heavy expense. Scotland was costing Edward so much, in fact, that the royal treasury remained empty. Edward was caught in a cleft stick as far as the war was concerned. The English n.o.bility had no stomach for further fighting and would protest against taking the field, but at the same time their pride had been touched by the turn of events. They did not want Scotland lost. The new king could not please them, no matter what policy he pursued.

Edward's desire to protect Gaveston led him into all manner of subterfuges to keep Parliament from meeting. This cost him the taxes which otherwise would have been voted. The royal pockets were empty. The situation became so acute that there was no money to pay the expenses of the royal household. The queen had no income until a special arrangement was made for revenue to be paid her from estates in Ponthieu. She resented this impoverishment most bitterly.

In order to save Gaveston, Edward made an extraordinary concession. He agreed to the selection of a commission which would take over the administration of the kingdom. The members became known as Ordainers because of the nature of the oath they took "to make such ordinances as should be to the honor and advantage of Holy Church, to the honor of the king, and to his advantage and that of his people." The commission consisted of twenty-one members, none of them commoners, and prominent among them were all the enemies of the favorite. Archbishop Winchelsey had been summoned back to a.s.sume his duties at Canterbury and was a member. He had ceased to favor the king and was again disposed against the granting of Church funds for state purposes.

Knowing his peril to be great, Gaveston left the court. When Edward went to Berwick to make a pretense of beginning active measures against the Scots, Gaveston went with him. He remained in the north for the better part of a year.

CHAPTER III.

The Death of the Favorite

1.

WHILE the king played at war-making in the north and so avoided the need of facing his angry baronage, the feeling against him and his favorite grew steadily. The queen still kept up a show of loyalty to her husband, which added to the sympathy felt for her everywhere. She may have poured out her indignation in letters to her father or in the talks she had with the leaders of the Ordainers, but nothing was allowed to show on the surface.

In February 1311, the Earl of Lincoln died. He will be remembered as the full-bodied baron who had been given the nickname of Burst-belly by the effervescent Gaveston, a fact which he himself never forgot or forgave. Nevertheless, he had been made regent while Edward went off to his ineffectual campaigning in the north. Cousin Lancaster was married to Lincoln's daughter, an only child, and so succeeded to all the estates and added the earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury to his already formidable list of t.i.tles. He stepped also into the late earl's shoes as regent of the kingdom.

Lancaster went north at once, ostensibly to pay homage for his new properties, but in reality to convince the king that he must delay no longer in returning to face the Ordainers. Edward received him with civility. When Gaveston joined them, the regent, who resented having been called The Fiddler and who knew that even his friends now called him that behind his back, drew himself up haughtily and had nothing to say, not even condescending to return the insolent alien's gesture of greeting. Edward was furious, but there was nothing to be done about it. Lancaster had all of the barons and bishops and most of the commoners behind him. The king was standing alone. He grumblingly promised to return.

It was six months before he kept his promise. First he rode across country to the most remote part of the North Sea coast where the towering castle of Bamborough stood on the top of an almost perpendicular rock one hundred and fifty feet in height. There was only one possible approach to the black keep in its circle of high walls, a steep and winding road cut through the rocks on the southeast. The waters of the North Sea at high tide broke loudly on the rocky base of Bamborough. Remembering perhaps how an earlier owner of this grim rock sentinel, Robert de Mowbray, had held William Rufus at bay, Edward was sure that here was the perfect sanctuary for his friend.

It was late in August when the king faced the Ordainers at Westminster. They had a long list of grievances and demands to lay before him, and the chastened monarch agreed to all of them readily enough, save a clause which banished Gaveston from the kingdom for all time. When Edward stood out angrily, the barons gave him a choice: send the Gascon away or face civil war. It did not take long for him to make up his mind.

What armed forces he had were in Scotland, holding out in the strong fortresses of that country. They could not be summoned to his aid without leaving Bruce a free hand. It was doubtful, in any case, if they could get out, with a hostile nation hemming them in. On the other hand, the barons were united and ready.

For the third time Gaveston was sent into exile, with Flanders his only chance of sanctuary, even Gascony having been closed to him. He went unwillingly and as openly antagonistic to the n.o.bility as ever. The Ordainers then proceeded to find and dismiss all the relatives and friends of the Gascon for whom places had been found in the royal household and the administrative offices. Edward was not consulted about this house-cleaning and he resented it bitterly.

"Am I an idiot," he cried, "that they won't let me look to my own household?"

Gaveston was like the proverbial bad penny. He left for Flanders in October. Apparently he did not like that prosperous but sober country, for the next month there were rumors in England that he had returned in disguise. These stories began to take on substance as the bad penny became bolder. He was seen in the west at many points, flaunting his ident.i.ty and his prosperity openly. Before Christmas, which Edward was spending with the queen at Windsor, he paid an open visit to the royal castle. When Isabella protested against this folly, the troublemaker treated her with contempt. He was, he declared, the good friend and loyal servant of the king. What booted it if others, even the queen herself, were not pleased?

The country seethed with indignation, and in London the trained bands marched to protest the recklaw att.i.tude of the favorite and to voice sympathy for their much-loved Isabella. Edward paid no attention to public opinion. He had finally made up his mind that the friend of his boyhood would remain with him in spite of everything. He even issued a writ announcing the return of Gaveston and lauding his action as an evidence of loyalty. Soon thereafter he restored all the estates of the favorite.

A state of war developed immediately. The old archbishop, who had once been the stoutest supporter of Edward while his father was alive, now went over to the other side. He excommunicated Gaveston for breaking his oath by returning. The barons began to arm their adherents and to gather at strategic points. Lancaster was chosen general of the people's army. Edward had no course left but to return to the north, hoping to stalemate the barons again by leaving them unopposed. Although the queen was heavy with child, he took her with him and wrote to Philip of France to explain the situation. "She is in good health," he set down, "and will (G.o.d propitious) be fruitful."

Isabella accompanied him without protest, although she must have realized the seriousness of the situation. There is nothing on record to let any light into the working of her mind at this stage. It seems likely, however, that she still entertained the hope that the king would see reason and strive to correct the errors of the past. It is certain that she had no real love for him. Her heart may have fluttered slightly when she first saw her tall and blond bridegroom at Boulogne, but lasting attachments are seldom formed at the age of thirteen. Before she had reached a stage where a permanent romantic interest might be found, the eccentric behavior of the king had alienated any hint of tenderness between them. As for Edward, it was only too clear that he had never felt any affection for his young bride.

It may be accepted, in spite of the breach between them, that the queen was still ready at this point to do everything to a.s.sist in settling the trouble.

The royal party went first to York and then to Newcastle, where Master Piers became very ill. The king was so alarmed that he summoned the best man of medicine in the north, one William de Bromtoft, to attend his friend. When Gaveston recovered, Edward paid the physician the sum of two pounds, a truly royal fee.

As soon as the Gascon was well enough to travel, the king took him on a boat for Scarborough, leaving the queen behind with the people of her household at Tynemouth Castle. The royal lady was both hurt and angry at this desertion, which made it only too clear that he cared nothing for her comfort or safety. She protested tearfully at being left, but the king had only one thought in his mind, to get his friend to a place of safety before the baying hounds of the baronage closed in about them. As it was, the army of Lancaster entered the day after the departure of the royal fugitive.

In view of what would happen later, history has blackened the character of the queen. But she was not wholly bad. While she stayed at Tynemouth Castle, alone and ill, this story is told in the form of a brief item in the household books: October 9. To little Thomeline, the Scotch orphan boy, to whom the queen, being moved to charity by his miseries, gave food and raiment to the amount of six- and six-pence.

Little Thomeline made a good impression on the queen, apparently, for she decided a permanent home must be found for him. Here is a later item from the household books: To the same orphan, on his being sent to London to dwell with Agnes, the wife of Jean, the queen's French organist; for his education, for necessaries bought him, and for curing his maladies, fifty-two s.h.i.+llings and eight-pence.

There were many homeless children all through the northern counties of England and the Lowlands of Scotland as a result of the continuous warfare, the never-ceasing raids and burnings. The orphan in question was perhaps one of thousands. Lucky little Thomeline that he caught the eye of the queen!

2.

Edward had chosen Scarborough as their sanctuary ahead of Bamborough for several reasons. Bamborough, like an eyrie on its impregnable rock, offered no manner of escape. Beyond it, less than twenty miles, lay Berwick and the Scottish border. It was a cul-de-sac and there was little chance of getting a boat there if a quick departure became necessary. Scarborough, on the other hand, was an active s.h.i.+pping port with boats plying both north and south. A peninsula of the general shape of a blacksmith's hammer ran out into the sea, cutting the harbor in two. On the highest point of this rocky arm of the land stood the old Norman castle which had been built in the time of Edward the Conqueror. It lacked the isolation of Bamborough, but it was well fortified and could be held indefinitely by an adequate garrison. Edward, who still believed he had friends who would rally to his banner, considered Scarborough the best base of operations. He was guided also by the knowledge that the baronial army had been behind him at Newcastle by a very few hours. A wily fox will often double on its tracks when the hounds come too close.

So the king and the fully recovered Gascon arrived at Scarborough and took possession of the castle. The trip had taken longer than they had expected, and reports reached them that the forces of Lancaster were marching down the coastal roads. The garrison was not large and it was of dubious loyalty, and so Edward was sure they could not hold out long. To go farther by water was out of the question, for that would take them to London, the very heart and soul of the anti-royalist cause. Edward decided that the only course open to him under these circ.u.mstances was to leave his friend in sanctuary at Scarborough and strike across country to York. Here he hoped to rally forces and return to the aid of his friend. He was sadly disillusioned to find that the royal city of the north had already welcomed the barons and that sentiment in his favor was slight indeed. Hearing that Lancaster had sent the earls of Pembroke and Warenne to take Scarborough, the king proposed to his opponents that Gaveston be brought to him so that an understanding for the future might be reached. This was agreed to. In the meantime, after two days' resistance, Gaveston had given himself up on promises that he would see the king and that he would have a fair and legal trial.

It developed that most of the barons were against the proposed meeting between king and favorite, feeling certain from experience that no good would come of it. But the Earl of Pembroke had given his word and, like Brutus, he was an honorable man. It had been arranged that Parliament was to meet at Wallingford in August, and so the earl proceeded in that direction with his prisoner. Gaveston had surrendered on May 19, and it was nearly a month later that Pembroke and his armed escort pa.s.sed through Northampton and came to the Cherwell. He crossed that pleasantly meandering river with the intention of following it to its junction with the Thames. At twilight on June 19 they came to Deddington, where the earl left his prisoner under guard in a house in town while he went to spend the night at a nearby castle.

The stage was now set for tragedy. The violent Earl of Warwick, still smoldering from the favorite's impudence to him, came to Deddington with a number of other magnates. That so many of the baronial leaders were in the party makes it clear that this was not a matter of chance, that Warwick and his friends had been waiting for just such an opportunity as this. Learning where Gaveston was being held, they roused him out of his bed and took him forcibly from the town. They first ransacked his belongings and found evidence to fan the flames of their grim resolution. One of the acquisitive Gascon's weaknesses was a pa.s.sion for fine jewelry, and it was now revealed that he had employed his hold over the king to get his hands on many of the crown jewels. In addition he had in his possession much gold and silver plate from the royal table and a great many necklaces and rings and chains which had been presented to Edward at various times by the queen and other members of the royal family.

The feeling against Gaveston was so violent that the barons could not wait to have him tried by a proper court; and yet it was not so much because of his interference in state matters as it was resentment over smaller things: his wealth, his insolence, his disregard of their rights and privileges, the names he had coined for each of them. What followed the forcible removal of the Gascon is not very clear. One version has it that he was taken to Warwick Castle and that Lancaster and several other n.o.blemen arrived soon after. A consultation was held and it was decided to put him to death without more ado. He was taken to Blacklow Hill the next night and beheaded there. According to another version, the judging occurred on the hillside at Blacklow and the evidence against the prisoner was discussed at some length. He was charged with having an evil influence over the king, and it was even claimed that he had practiced sorcery to gain it. In support of this charge it was advanced that he was the son of a witch who had been burned at the stake in Guienne for sorcery. This, unfortunately for Gaveston, was true.

There is no evidence to prove either version right, but it seems certain that all of the barons who had taken part in the decision were present at his death. There was clearly a desire for anonymity in everything they did: in their choice of so late an hour and so isolated a spot as Blacklow Hill, in their reliance on the moon and the stars for light. There was surrept.i.tiousness in the manner in which they sat closely together on the damp sod, knee to knee, hats drawn down low.

How did the once gay Gascon behave during these grim proceedings? Did he strive to prove himself innocent? Did he let his high temper flare in a reiteration of his contempt for them? Or did he lose his courage and beg abjectly for mercy? Nothing is known of his att.i.tude.

The sentence was carried out at once. There had been such haste about everything, it may be taken for granted that the proper equipment for an execution had not been provided. No doubt a battle-ax in the steady hands of a man-at-arms was the means of carrying out the sentence. The stump of a tree may have served as the block.

3.

One of the charges brought against Gaveston had been that during the time he was entrusted with the custody of the Great Seal of England he had stamped a large a.s.sortment of charters and papers which he could fill in later according to his fancy. This was a particularly heinous offense. The Great Seal was an essential part of the machinery of government. No charter, no declaration, no letter of appointment, no official decision was legal unless it carried the imprint of the Great Seal. For that reason the Seal was never supposed to leave the possession of the king. If affairs of state took him overseas, it was necessary to appoint a regent and to entrust the Seal to him until the monarch returned. There was, in fact, an official at the chancellery called the Keeper of the Seal whose chief duty seemed to be to stamp all the doc.u.ments prepared and then get the instrument back into the king's hands late in the day. If this symbol of royal power was lost or mislaid, a state of paralysis set in at Westminster. Doc.u.ments would pile up in the chancellery and the justiciary which could not be sent out, royal officials would gnaw their fingernails in perplexity and whisper together in white-faced groups; a truly Gilbertian state of affairs.

To avoid this dire possibility, a small seal was kept as a subst.i.tute. Once, when Edward II was going to France to do homage for the duchy of Aquitaine, he was asked to hide the Great Seal in some very secret place, and the small seal was brought out for the use of the master of the rolls while he was away. It was during this visit that a fire broke out in the middle of the night at the castle at Pontoise, where the king and queen were staying. They had a narrow escape, getting out at the last possible moment in their nightgowns. When word of this reached Westminster there was much shaking of heads. Does anyone know where the Seal is? they asked one another. No one did. It had been a narrow escape indeed.

On another occasion, when Edward was going to Scotland, he gave the Seal, carefully locked in its velvet purse, to Richard Camel, his chamberlain, with instructions to deliver it without delay to the queen. The queen was to give it in turn to Lady Elizabeth de Montibus, her lady of the bedchamber, who would place it in a casket, lock the same, and give the key to the queen. In the morning the queen would give the key to the Lady Elizabeth, who would unlock the casket while her royal mistress watched. The queen would then deliver the purse into the hands of the Keeper of the Seal. He in turn would take it to the Exchequer, summon the superintendents who had put their seals on it, have them break the seals and produce the Great Seal. After the day's work had been done, the same procedure would be followed.

The Great Seal had been in the keeping of Gaveston on many occasions, but he did not believe in such tiresome precautions. He carried it about as openly as a drummer with his stick.

That it had been entrusted to him was one of the kingly lapses which the barons found hardest to condone. It was a symbol of power almost on a par with the crown, for without it business came to a halt.

Three centuries later, when James II was running away from his Dutch son-in-law, William of Orange, he paused long enough to scoop up the Great Seal. As he crossed the Thames, he tossed it into the water with an ill temper which expressed the thought, "Now, how will you run your country?"

4.

King Edward was prostrated with grief and rage when he heard of the execution of Gaveston. He wept openly and shouted threats of retaliation. After a time he gained sufficient control of himself to take the body for burial to King's Langley, where they had lived as boyhood friends. Later he established a chantry where prayers were to be said perpetually for Gaveston's soul.

The favorite's death proved a great boon for the king at a time when the whole country seemed against him. The bad faith of the leaders in thus illegally committing the Gascon to the block divided the baronial strength in two. The Earl of Pembroke, who was a man of high honor, as already stated, would not forgive Lancaster and Warwick for breaking the pledge he had given the Gascon. With the Earl of Warenne he went over to the king's party and almost immediately the complexion of things changed. With Gaveston out of the way, public sentiment turned back to the king. Cousin Lancaster found himself the leader of a minority party instead of dictator of the country.

And then an event occurred which has been the prime resolver of troubles throughout the ages, the most certain method of solving marital difficulties, the healer of wounds, the patcher of family solidarity. At Windsor, where the disconsolate king had gone to be with the queen, Isabella took to her bed on the twelfth of November and at forty-five minutes after four the following morning was delivered of a child. It was a boy, a healthy, handsome specimen, whose first cries had a l.u.s.tiness which seemed to promise that he had no intention of yielding to the infantile weaknesses which had carried off so many royal heirs. The next King of England had been born. No one had any doubts of that: not the queen, who was now eighteen and close to the peak of her great beauty; not the father, who became so intensely proud of his son that, for the time being at least, he forgot the fate of his favorite and was happy beyond measure; not the holders of hereditary posts at court, nor the French n.o.blemen who had been sent over in antic.i.p.ation of the happy event; and most certainly not the good citizens of London, who received the news by the queen's own hand and celebrated feverishly for three days.

The Count of Evreux, who was Isabella's uncle, went at once to Edward and suggested that the infant be named Louis after the heir to the French throne and as a compliment to the queen's father. But for once Edward had no hesitation in saying no. The newborn infant would be King of England and he must bear the fine English name of Edward.

The arrival of this healthy little stranger seems to have brought the royal parents together at last. For a time Isabella exercised a wifely influence over her spouse and Edward seemed content to have it so.

CHAPTER IV.

The Great Scandal of the Middle Ages

1.

THE view from Ludgate, high on its hill, was across the Fleet River and the substantial bridge which had been built to bear the heavy traffic from the west. Between the Fleet and the Old Roman Wall was a sour little piece of swampy land which had been given to the Dominicans. Undemanding and gentle, they had drained the land and turned it into a habitable quarter after all. On the other side of the Fleet the land was quite different; it was fair and very dry and, where it followed the long arch of the Thames, it was dotted with many n.o.ble houses.

The largest and busiest of these was like a small town in itself. Behind a gray stone wall could be seen the crowded roofs and domes of many buildings, including a round structure which obviously was a church and an elaborate chapel on the bank. This establishment had long since overflowed the walls, and there was an open stretch of fifteen acres where the ground had been trampled to the consistency of hard clay by military games and the exercising of horses. Beyond this was a row of utility buildings on the site of what is now Fleet Street. There were several smithies, with sparks flying from the chimneys and out of the open doors while knights in white robes with the red cross on the shoulder (the cut of the robe far removed from the popular tabard) waited for their horses to be shod. Beyond there was a squatty structure which seemed to be devoted to the storing of exotic supplies-spices, pepper, salt, and herbs-a long grain house, a windmill, and a row of stables which were regular beehives of activity.

Over the front entrance in the wall, barred, strong, severe, floated the beauseant. It consisted of two bars, the upper one black to denote death to their enemies, the lower white, denoting love and peace for mankind. On the banner was the legend Non n.o.bis, non n.o.bis, Domine, sed nomini, tuo da gloriam. This was the banner of the Order of the Knights Templar.