The Battle For Christmas Part 9

1. John Birge ma.n.u.script Daybook (Poc.u.mtuck Valley Memorial a.s.sociation Library), p. 89. This reference was discovered by Carrie Giard, an undergraduate student at the University of Ma.s.sachusetts. Carrie also discovered that two years later, in 1771, another Deerfield shopkeeper paid one of his clients 10 s.h.i.+llings "cash at Christmas" in return for "four days [i.e., of labor] at Christmas." (We can only speculate as to why this man desired to have cash at Christmas.) John Russell ma.n.u.script Account Book (Poc.u.mtuck Valley Memorial a.s.sociation Library), pp. 153154. John Birge ma.n.u.script Daybook (Poc.u.mtuck Valley Memorial a.s.sociation Library), p. 89. This reference was discovered by Carrie Giard, an undergraduate student at the University of Ma.s.sachusetts. Carrie also discovered that two years later, in 1771, another Deerfield shopkeeper paid one of his clients 10 s.h.i.+llings "cash at Christmas" in return for "four days [i.e., of labor] at Christmas." (We can only speculate as to why this man desired to have cash at Christmas.) John Russell ma.n.u.script Account Book (Poc.u.mtuck Valley Memorial a.s.sociation Library), pp. 153154.

2. Harriet Beecher Stowe, "Christmas; or, The Good Fairy," in Harriet Beecher Stowe, "Christmas; or, The Good Fairy," in National Era National Era 4 (Dec. 26, 1850). This was the same magazine in which Stowe was shortly to begin serial publication of her novel 4 (Dec. 26, 1850). This was the same magazine in which Stowe was shortly to begin serial publication of her novel Uncle Tom's Cabin Uncle Tom's Cabin. The story was later reprinted in The Mayflower, and Miscellaneous Writings The Mayflower, and Miscellaneous Writings (Boston, 1855); it did not appear in the original (1842) edition of that volume. For scholarly works that date the commercialization of Christmas to the turn of the twentieth century, see William B. Waits, (Boston, 1855); it did not appear in the original (1842) edition of that volume. For scholarly works that date the commercialization of Christmas to the turn of the twentieth century, see William B. Waits, The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving (New York: New York University Press, 1993); and, implicitly, William Leach, (New York: New York University Press, 1993); and, implicitly, William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York: Pantheon, 1993); as well as James H. Barnett, (New York: Pantheon, 1993); as well as James H. Barnett, The American Christmas: A Study in National Culture The American Christmas: A Study in National Culture (New York: Macmillan, 1954), 79101. This interpretation is part of a larger a.n.a.lysis that places the emergence of modern American consumer culture in the decades 18801920. See, for example, Simon J. Bronner, ed., (New York: Macmillan, 1954), 79101. This interpretation is part of a larger a.n.a.lysis that places the emergence of modern American consumer culture in the decades 18801920. See, for example, Simon J. Bronner, ed., Consuming Visions: Acc.u.mulation and Display of Goods in America, 18801920 Consuming Visions: Acc.u.mulation and Display of Goods in America, 18801920 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1989); Richard Wightman Fox and T. J. Jackson Lears, eds., (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1989); Richard Wightman Fox and T. J. Jackson Lears, eds., The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 18801980 The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 18801980 (New York: Pantheon, 1983). For a recent reevaluation (and one that deals with the "carnivalesque" as well), see Jackson Lears, (New York: Pantheon, 1983). For a recent reevaluation (and one that deals with the "carnivalesque" as well), see Jackson Lears, Fahles of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising in America Fahles of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising in America (New York: Basic Books, 1994), chs. 15. But another historiographical strain dates the origins of the consumer revolution far earlier, even to the middle of the eighteenth century; see page 340, note 16. (New York: Basic Books, 1994), chs. 15. But another historiographical strain dates the origins of the consumer revolution far earlier, even to the middle of the eighteenth century; see page 340, note 16.

3. Salem Gazette Salem Gazette, Dec. 18, 1806; New-York Evening Post New-York Evening Post, Dec. 26, 1808. Philadelphia's first ad for Christmas presents came in 1812. If we include ads for "New Year's Presents"-or "Holiday Presents"-this dating needs to be moved back a decade or two earlier. Salem came in in 1804, two years before the ad that named Christmas. (It was placed on Dec. 21, 1804-four days before Christmas-by the same bookseller. Headed simply "Elegant Presents for Children," it was followed on January 1 by a similar ad headed "Elegant New Year's Presents for Children." It is as if this bookseller was testing the cultural waters before actually daring to name Christmas.) But Salem was not the first American community to advertise New Year's gifts. The first community to do so was another New England town, Worcester, Ma.s.sachusetts, in 1783 (more about Worcester a little later). New York followed in 1789; Philadelphia, in 1796; Boston, in 1801. Salem Gazette Salem Gazette, Dec. 21, 1804, and Jan. 1, 1805. Other New England examples: Amherst, New Hamps.h.i.+re, in 1811; Portsmouth, New Hamps.h.i.+re, in 1816.

4. "Christmas and New Year's Presents," in "Christmas and New Year's Presents," in New England Galaxy and Masonic Magazine New England Galaxy and Masonic Magazine, Dec. 26, 1823. By 1825 the same periodical was able to claim that Christmas was a season "which custom from time immemorial has pointed out as a proper one for giving and receiving remembrances, and tokens of affection" (ibid., Dec. 23, 1825).

5. E.N.T., "Christmas and New Year's Presents," E.N.T., "Christmas and New Year's Presents," Christian Register Christian Register, Dec. 20, 1834. In Worcester, Ma.s.sachusetts, one man noted in his diary on Christmas Eve: "[G]eneral preparation for Christmas: the children must have presents and the parents, uncles, and aunts are all getting them." (Levi Lincoln Newton Diaries, 18371843, in ma.n.u.script collection, American Antiquarian Society.) 6. Farmer's Cabinet Farmer's Cabinet (Amherst, N.H.), Jan. 2, 1835. The story urged children to buy books rather than candy for the holidays. (Amherst, N.H.), Jan. 2, 1835. The story urged children to buy books rather than candy for the holidays.

7. The same pattern is true of ads labeled "New Year's" or "holiday" gifts. Worcester, Ma.s.sachusetts (1783): "New Year's Gifts [all of them books] for Children;" New York (1789): books "for young gentlemen and ladies;" Boston (1801): "Books for Young Persons;" Portsmouth, New Hamps.h.i.+re (1816) "Juvenile books, suitable for To-morrow [New Year's Day]." The same pattern is true of ads labeled "New Year's" or "holiday" gifts. Worcester, Ma.s.sachusetts (1783): "New Year's Gifts [all of them books] for Children;" New York (1789): books "for young gentlemen and ladies;" Boston (1801): "Books for Young Persons;" Portsmouth, New Hamps.h.i.+re (1816) "Juvenile books, suitable for To-morrow [New Year's Day]."

8. In contrast, I have found only a single advertis.e.m.e.nt that advertised presents for servants. During the 1822 Christmas season, one Boston bookstore, after advertising a great variety of books and games for children of various ages, added that it also had "a large collection of Narratives, Popular Stories, &c., very cheap and neat editions, suitable for presents to Domestics and others." In contrast, I have found only a single advertis.e.m.e.nt that advertised presents for servants. During the 1822 Christmas season, one Boston bookstore, after advertising a great variety of books and games for children of various ages, added that it also had "a large collection of Narratives, Popular Stories, &c., very cheap and neat editions, suitable for presents to Domestics and others." (New England Palladium (New England Palladium, Jan. 3, 1823.) The 1820s may have been the last decade in which such an ad could reasonably appear; after that, servants would not have been considered real members of the household. (Conversely, the early 1820s were also virtually the first first time such an ad could have appeared; only a decade or two earlier, time such an ad could have appeared; only a decade or two earlier, n.o.body n.o.body would have received a commercial Christmas present.) In January 1820, a prosperous New York woman recorded spending "2.6" [2s. 6d.?] for "N[ew] Year presents to servants." The following December the same woman made a similar entry: "New Year presents to servants[:] 1.56." [Jane Minot Sedgwick?], Accounts and Commonplace Book, 181759, in Miscellaneous Sedgwick Papers (Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society), vol. 16. would have received a commercial Christmas present.) In January 1820, a prosperous New York woman recorded spending "2.6" [2s. 6d.?] for "N[ew] Year presents to servants." The following December the same woman made a similar entry: "New Year presents to servants[:] 1.56." [Jane Minot Sedgwick?], Accounts and Commonplace Book, 181759, in Miscellaneous Sedgwick Papers (Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society), vol. 16.

9. New-York Herald New-York Herald, Dec. 23, 1839; New-York American New-York American, Dec. 27, 1841; see also New York Tribune New York Tribune, Jan. 3, 1844.

10. In 1844, the first Christmas ads in the In 1844, the first Christmas ads in the New-York Tribune New-York Tribune appeared as early as December 12. appeared as early as December 12.

11. [Philadelphia] [Philadelphia] National Gazette National Gazette, Dec. 24, 1841.

12. Philadelphia Public Ledger Philadelphia Public Ledger, Dec. 25, 1841.

13. The idea probably originated in New York, where one paper reported in 1838 that "[f]our or five mammoth cakes have been made in this city to be cut up on New Year's Eve. That at Ameli's, 395 Broadway, is the largest ever made in this city. It weighs about 3300 pounds, and is worth $1500" The idea probably originated in New York, where one paper reported in 1838 that "[f]our or five mammoth cakes have been made in this city to be cut up on New Year's Eve. That at Ameli's, 395 Broadway, is the largest ever made in this city. It weighs about 3300 pounds, and is worth $1500" (New York Weekly Herald (New York Weekly Herald, Dec. 22, 1838). But even as early as 1819, a New York baker advertised a "mammoth cake ... weighing 300 pounds" (New York Evening Post (New York Evening Post, Dec. 28, 1819).

14. The quotation is from Eliza Leslie, "Snow-Balling; or, The Christmas Dollar," in The quotation is from Eliza Leslie, "Snow-Balling; or, The Christmas Dollar," in The Violet The Violet (Philadelphia, 1839 [c. 1838]), 3652. (Philadelphia, 1839 [c. 1838]), 3652.

15. New York Daily Herald New York Daily Herald, Dec. 23, 1839.

16. Cary Carson, Ronald Hoffman, and Peter J. Albert, eds., Cary Carson, Ronald Hoffman, and Peter J. Albert, eds., Of Consuming Interests: The Style of Life in the Eighteenth Century Of Consuming Interests: The Style of Life in the Eighteenth Century (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1994). (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1994).

17. Emily E. F. Skeel, Emily E. F. Skeel, Mason Locke Weems, His Work and Ways Mason Locke Weems, His Work and Ways (3 vols., New York, 1929), III, 29. This advertis.e.m.e.nt originally appeared in the (3 vols., New York, 1929), III, 29. This advertis.e.m.e.nt originally appeared in the Georgia Journal Georgia Journal (Milledgeville), Nov. 18, 1810. (Milledgeville), Nov. 18, 1810.

18. Worcester Spy Worcester Spy, Dec. 25, 1783; Dec. 23, 1784.

19. In some years, at least, Isaiah Thomas published more books during the holiday season than at other times of the year. In 1794, for example, between March and late November he placed a total of anywhere from one to four book ads in any given issue (the paper was published weekly). But on November 26 he placed five such ads, a number that went up to six on December 10, and then to nine on both December 17 and 24, before falling back to seven on December 31, then to four on January 7 and 14, and to a single one on January 21. It would appear that in some years Thomas printed his books on a seasonal cycle, a cycle that peaked during the Christmas season. There were other children's books that we can a.s.sume were published for the Christmas trade, since the word In some years, at least, Isaiah Thomas published more books during the holiday season than at other times of the year. In 1794, for example, between March and late November he placed a total of anywhere from one to four book ads in any given issue (the paper was published weekly). But on November 26 he placed five such ads, a number that went up to six on December 10, and then to nine on both December 17 and 24, before falling back to seven on December 31, then to four on January 7 and 14, and to a single one on January 21. It would appear that in some years Thomas printed his books on a seasonal cycle, a cycle that peaked during the Christmas season. There were other children's books that we can a.s.sume were published for the Christmas trade, since the word Christmas Christmas was part of their t.i.tle (and they had no other Christmas-related content). See, for example, "Peter Pinchpenny," was part of their t.i.tle (and they had no other Christmas-related content). See, for example, "Peter Pinchpenny," The Hobby Horse; or, Christmas Companion The Hobby Horse; or, Christmas Companion (Boston, 1804). (Boston, 1804).

20. Copies of these two Munro and Francis catalogs are held by the American Antiquarian Society. Copies of these two Munro and Francis catalogs are held by the American Antiquarian Society.

21. For the decentralized nature of the American book trade, see two books by William Charvat: For the decentralized nature of the American book trade, see two books by William Charvat: Literary Publis.h.i.+ng in America, 17901850 Literary Publis.h.i.+ng in America, 17901850 (Amherst: University of Ma.s.sachusetts Press, 1993); and (Amherst: University of Ma.s.sachusetts Press, 1993); and The Profession of Authors.h.i.+p in America, 18001870: The Papers of William Charvat The Profession of Authors.h.i.+p in America, 18001870: The Papers of William Charvat (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1968), ch. 1. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1968), ch. 1.

22. New York Herald New York Herald, Dec. 23, 1839. Bennett's $3 minimum suggests the financial level below which Gift Books did not penetrate.

23. The New-York Book of Poetry The New-York Book of Poetry (New York, 1837). (New York, 1837).

24. David Kaser (ed.), David Kaser (ed.), The Cost Book of Carey & Lea, 18251838 The Cost Book of Carey & Lea, 18251838 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 68108, 280284. This paragraph is based on the work of UMa.s.s graduate student Richard Ga.s.san-who also devised the idea of calculating these figures. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 68108, 280284. This paragraph is based on the work of UMa.s.s graduate student Richard Ga.s.san-who also devised the idea of calculating these figures.

25. The Annualette: A Christmas and New Years Gift for Children The Annualette: A Christmas and New Years Gift for Children (Boston, 1840), preface. There was a similar verse in the same Gift Book for 1841. (Boston, 1840), preface. There was a similar verse in the same Gift Book for 1841.

26. The Pearl The Pearl (Philadelphia, 1837), 186. The publishers of (Philadelphia, 1837), 186. The publishers of The Pearl The Pearl may well have pressured their authors to insert such advertising copy into their work. In another children's Gift Book, may well have pressured their authors to insert such advertising copy into their work. In another children's Gift Book, Christmas Blossoms Christmas Blossoms for 1850, a Santa-like figure named Uncle Thomas embeds the same point in a pa.s.sage explaining the advantages of ma.s.s production and ma.s.s marketing: for 1850, a Santa-like figure named Uncle Thomas embeds the same point in a pa.s.sage explaining the advantages of ma.s.s production and ma.s.s marketing: What a wonderful thing printing is! It seems hard to understand how the world could have got along so long and so well without it.... Even after printing was invented, it was, for a long time, so costly that books were often bound with strong iron rings fastened to the leather, and were fixed to the walls of the library or the sides of the book-cases, by means of iron chains, for fear they should be stolen. How happy, then, Uncle Thomas should be that he can now print his Christmas Blossoms, and send them over the country so cheaply that everybody can easily get to see them. He can now talk to six millions of little boys and girls, and shake hands with them on paper all at once (pp. 1920).

27. St. Nicholas' Book, for All Good Boys and Girls St. Nicholas' Book, for All Good Boys and Girls (Philadelphia, 1842), 6. (Philadelphia, 1842), 6.

28. John Davis to Elizabeth Bancroft Davis, Dec. 26, 1826, in John Davis Papers, American Antiquarian Society. John Davis to Elizabeth Bancroft Davis, Dec. 26, 1826, in John Davis Papers, American Antiquarian Society.

29. Reprinted in Reprinted in Albany Journal Albany Journal, Dec. 16, 1846.

30. New York Herald New York Herald, Dec. 23, 1839.

31. The Brilliant: A Gift Book for 1850 The Brilliant: A Gift Book for 1850 (New York, 1850). This was edited by T. S. Arthur, best remembered today as the author of the temperance novel (New York, 1850). This was edited by T. S. Arthur, best remembered today as the author of the temperance novel Ten Nights in a BarRoom Ten Nights in a BarRoom.

32. Philadelphia Public Ledger Philadelphia Public Ledger, Dec. 24, 1844.

33. In a Boston bookshop in 1823, King Solomon "might there find his own proverbs ill.u.s.trated, and made familiar to the eye of childhood, by means of the graphic art; and the [wonders] of Egypt and the realm of his favorite queen of Sheba, displayed in miniature, to furnish up an evening of entertainment for the nursery." (" In a Boston bookshop in 1823, King Solomon "might there find his own proverbs ill.u.s.trated, and made familiar to the eye of childhood, by means of the graphic art; and the [wonders] of Egypt and the realm of his favorite queen of Sheba, displayed in miniature, to furnish up an evening of entertainment for the nursery." ("CHRISTMAS AND NEW YEAR'S PRESENTS," in New England Galaxy and Masonic Magazine New England Galaxy and Masonic Magazine, Dec. 26, 1823.) 34. New Hamps.h.i.+re Gazette New Hamps.h.i.+re Gazette [Portsmouth], Dec. 22, 1818; "The Diary of Isaiah Thomas 18051828," in [Portsmouth], Dec. 22, 1818; "The Diary of Isaiah Thomas 18051828," in Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society X (1909), 171. Bibles had long been commercial products, but never before to this degree. X (1909), 171. Bibles had long been commercial products, but never before to this degree.

35. Albany Journal Albany Journal, Dec. 16, 1846 (reprinted from the New York Tribune) New York Tribune).

36. Peter J. Wosh, Peter J. Wosh, Spreading the Word: The Bible Business in Nineteenth-Century America Spreading the Word: The Bible Business in Nineteenth-Century America (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994), 1921. Wosh adds that the Harpers "established the Bible as an article of ma.s.s consumption, an attractive centerpiece for the proper Victorian bookshelf. The medium rather than the message a.s.sumed center stage as mere possession of the volume conferred cultural status on, and testified to the good taste of, the purchaser" (ibid., 20). See also R. Laurence Moore, (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994), 1921. Wosh adds that the Harpers "established the Bible as an article of ma.s.s consumption, an attractive centerpiece for the proper Victorian bookshelf. The medium rather than the message a.s.sumed center stage as mere possession of the volume conferred cultural status on, and testified to the good taste of, the purchaser" (ibid., 20). See also R. Laurence Moore, Selling G.o.d: American Religion in the Marketplace of Culture Selling G.o.d: American Religion in the Marketplace of Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 1718, 3435. An excellent reference source is Margaret T. Hills, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 1718, 3435. An excellent reference source is Margaret T. Hills, The English Bible in America: A Bibliography of Editions of the Bible and the New Testament Published in America 17771957 The English Bible in America: A Bibliography of Editions of the Bible and the New Testament Published in America 17771957 (New York: American Bible Society, 1961). (New York: American Bible Society, 1961).

37. The dates of these inscriptions also confirm that these personal Bibles, like Gift Books, were seen as appropriate presents to be given during the Christmas season (or, in one of these cases, at Thanksgiving). The dates of these inscriptions also confirm that these personal Bibles, like Gift Books, were seen as appropriate presents to be given during the Christmas season (or, in one of these cases, at Thanksgiving).

38. Louisa May Alcott, Louisa May Alcott, Little Women; or, Meg, Jo, Beth and Amy Little Women; or, Meg, Jo, Beth and Amy (Boston, 1869), Ch. 2. (Boston, 1869), Ch. 2.

39. See Richard H. Brodhead, See Richard H. Brodhead, Cultures of Letters: Scenes of Reading and Writing in Nineteenth-Century America Cultures of Letters: Scenes of Reading and Writing in Nineteenth-Century America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 9596. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 9596.

40. Susan Warner, Susan Warner, The Wide, Wide World The Wide, Wide World (New York, 1851), ch. 3, 3031 (this scene is also briefly described in Moore, (New York, 1851), ch. 3, 3031 (this scene is also briefly described in Moore, Selling G.o.d Selling G.o.d, 34). Later in the novel, in a scene set at Christmas, the feeling of helplessness became especially acute. Ellen and her friends are discussing Christmas presents they are about to make out of satin cloth and morocco leather they have received. They agree to choose which pieces each of them will take. "But this business of choosing was found to be very long and very difficult...." One girl says: "I declare it's too vexatious! Here I've got this beautiful piece of blue satin, and can't do any thing with it; it just matches that blue morocco-it's a perfect match-I could have made a splendid thing of it, and I have got some cord and ta.s.sels that would just do-I declare it's too bad." She is told by another girl: "Well, choose, Margaret." But Margaret replies: "I don't know what to choose-that's the thing. What can one do with red and purple morocco and blue satin? I might as well give up" (ibid., 292293). For another example, see Anna Warner, Mr. Rutherford's Children. Second Volume Mr. Rutherford's Children. Second Volume (New York, 1855), 9196. (Anna Warner was Susan Warner's sister and her sometime collaborator.) (New York, 1855), 9196. (Anna Warner was Susan Warner's sister and her sometime collaborator.) 41. The Sedgwick family maintained its cohesion and distinction well into the present century; one of its more recent members, Edie Sedgwick, achieved notoriety-and an early death from drugs-as a movie starlet in Andy Warhol's "stable." See Jean Stein, The Sedgwick family maintained its cohesion and distinction well into the present century; one of its more recent members, Edie Sedgwick, achieved notoriety-and an early death from drugs-as a movie starlet in Andy Warhol's "stable." See Jean Stein, Edie, An American Biography Edie, An American Biography (New York: Knopf, 1982). (New York: Knopf, 1982).

42. Pamela Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 18, 1792 (Sedgwick Family Papers, Collection III, Box 1.13) and Dec. 25, 1794 (ibid., Box 1.18); see Henry Van Schaack to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 25, 1788 (Sedgwick Family Papers I, Box 1.12-"Merry Christmas"). Theodore Sedgwick himself returned such salutations for the first time only on Jan. 1, 1795, in a pair of letters, one to his wife and the other to Ephraim Williams (Sedgwick Family Papers V, Box 1.14). Note: The Sedgwick Family Papers are catalogued in five separate collections at the Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society, labeled I-V, respectively. Henceforth these will be referred to as "Sedgwick I" [etc.]. The papers of Catharine M. Sedgwick are catalogued separately.) Pamela Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 18, 1792 (Sedgwick Family Papers, Collection III, Box 1.13) and Dec. 25, 1794 (ibid., Box 1.18); see Henry Van Schaack to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 25, 1788 (Sedgwick Family Papers I, Box 1.12-"Merry Christmas"). Theodore Sedgwick himself returned such salutations for the first time only on Jan. 1, 1795, in a pair of letters, one to his wife and the other to Ephraim Williams (Sedgwick Family Papers V, Box 1.14). Note: The Sedgwick Family Papers are catalogued in five separate collections at the Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society, labeled I-V, respectively. Henceforth these will be referred to as "Sedgwick I" [etc.]. The papers of Catharine M. Sedgwick are catalogued separately.) 43. Henry Van Schaack to Theodore Sedgwick, Jan. 2, 1784 (Sedgwick I, Box 1.5). Van Schaack jokingly added that his wife had "eloped," so there would be no women present. Eight years earlier, when Sedgwick and Van Schaack were both serving in the War for Independence, Sedgwick sent his friend a copy of a soldier's drinking song in mid-December; the song concluded: "Its not right for a soldier to grumble I know / But there is one grudge that I lawfully owe / those d.a.m.nable Sutters[?] how slighly [i.e., slyly] they'll come / and charge us one Dollar for a Quart of rum. / Sweet Connecticut if I shall see you one [once] more / for the price of one Quart I could have three or four. / I would Drink & be Merry my Toast it shall be / Success to the Lads that shall gain Liberty" (Sedgwick I, Box 1.1). Henry Van Schaack to Theodore Sedgwick, Jan. 2, 1784 (Sedgwick I, Box 1.5). Van Schaack jokingly added that his wife had "eloped," so there would be no women present. Eight years earlier, when Sedgwick and Van Schaack were both serving in the War for Independence, Sedgwick sent his friend a copy of a soldier's drinking song in mid-December; the song concluded: "Its not right for a soldier to grumble I know / But there is one grudge that I lawfully owe / those d.a.m.nable Sutters[?] how slighly [i.e., slyly] they'll come / and charge us one Dollar for a Quart of rum. / Sweet Connecticut if I shall see you one [once] more / for the price of one Quart I could have three or four. / I would Drink & be Merry my Toast it shall be / Success to the Lads that shall gain Liberty" (Sedgwick I, Box 1.1).

44. Theodore Sedgwick to Ephraim Williams Jan. 9, 1795 (Sedgwick III, Box 2.1); Henry Van Schaack to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 25, 1799 (Sedgwick I, Box 4.4). Van Schaack said the wine was "excellent" and asked Sedgwick to get more. "As long as I can drink such wine you and others may consume Madeira and Claret and Cherry [Sherry] and Lisbon...." Van Schaack's brother Peter had also received a gift of wine from Sedgwick (ibid.). Theodore Sedgwick to Ephraim Williams Jan. 9, 1795 (Sedgwick III, Box 2.1); Henry Van Schaack to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 25, 1799 (Sedgwick I, Box 4.4). Van Schaack said the wine was "excellent" and asked Sedgwick to get more. "As long as I can drink such wine you and others may consume Madeira and Claret and Cherry [Sherry] and Lisbon...." Van Schaack's brother Peter had also received a gift of wine from Sedgwick (ibid.).

45. The phrase comes from his letter to Pamela Dwight of Jan. 1, 1795 (Sedgwick V, Box 1.14). The phrase comes from his letter to Pamela Dwight of Jan. 1, 1795 (Sedgwick V, Box 1.14).

46. Pamela Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Jan. 1, 1798 (Sedgwick III, Box 2.10). On New Year's Eve, 1799/1800, Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., wrote to his father: "I should [prefer to] live in a Town, at this season" (Sedgwick III, Box 2.16). And in 1808 Catharine M. Sedgwick wrote to her sister Frances Watson on Dec. 25 that she felt "secluded and alone" in Stockbridge (Sedgwick IV, Box 2.12). Pamela Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Jan. 1, 1798 (Sedgwick III, Box 2.10). On New Year's Eve, 1799/1800, Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., wrote to his father: "I should [prefer to] live in a Town, at this season" (Sedgwick III, Box 2.16). And in 1808 Catharine M. Sedgwick wrote to her sister Frances Watson on Dec. 25 that she felt "secluded and alone" in Stockbridge (Sedgwick IV, Box 2.12).

47. Catharine Sedgwick to Frances S. Watson, Dec. 28, 1807-Jan. 1, 1808, Catharine M. Sedgwick Papers I (Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society), Box 1.1. (Note: Catharine M. Sedgwick's papers are catalogued in three separate collections at the Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society. Henceforth these will be referred to as "CMS I" [etc.], and Catharine M. Sedgwick's name will be abbreviated "CMS.") Catharine Sedgwick to Frances S. Watson, Dec. 28, 1807-Jan. 1, 1808, Catharine M. Sedgwick Papers I (Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society), Box 1.1. (Note: Catharine M. Sedgwick's papers are catalogued in three separate collections at the Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society. Henceforth these will be referred to as "CMS I" [etc.], and Catharine M. Sedgwick's name will be abbreviated "CMS.") 48. Henry Dwight Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 24, 1805 (Sedgwick V, Box 2.13). Henry Dwight Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Dec. 24, 1805 (Sedgwick V, Box 2.13).

49. Theodore Sedgwick to Henry Dwight Sedgwick, Jan. 2, 1806 (Sedgwick III, Box 3.7). Theodore Sedgwick to Henry Dwight Sedgwick, Jan. 2, 1806 (Sedgwick III, Box 3.7).

50. Eliza S. Pomeroy to Henry D. Sedgwick (Sedgwick V, Box 5.1). A letter from Theodore Sedgwick to Henry D. Sedgwick, written the next day, Jan. 2, 1812 (ibid.), makes no reference to this "feast." Eliza S. Pomeroy to Henry D. Sedgwick (Sedgwick V, Box 5.1). A letter from Theodore Sedgwick to Henry D. Sedgwick, written the next day, Jan. 2, 1812 (ibid.), makes no reference to this "feast."

51. For Christmas: CMS to Robert Sedgwick, Dec. 2324, 1817 (Sedgwick IV, Box 3.9); Charles Sedgwick to CMS, Dec. 25, 1820 (Sedgwick IV, Box 3.23); for New Year: Jane Sedgwick to Louisa Minot [part of a letter from Henry D. Sedgwick to William Minot], Dec. 29, 1820 (Sedgwick IV, Box 3.23). For Christmas: CMS to Robert Sedgwick, Dec. 2324, 1817 (Sedgwick IV, Box 3.9); Charles Sedgwick to CMS, Dec. 25, 1820 (Sedgwick IV, Box 3.23); for New Year: Jane Sedgwick to Louisa Minot [part of a letter from Henry D. Sedgwick to William Minot], Dec. 29, 1820 (Sedgwick IV, Box 3.23).

52. Ibid. ("mince pies"). It was actually New Year's rituals in New York that were unknown in Boston, as Henry D. Sedgwick pointed out in a letter to his Boston fiancee: "Tomorrow is the commencement of a new year consecrated here to a species of brisk hilarity and hurried sociability of which you have scarcely an idea in Boston. After Church, which is out at Ibid. ("mince pies"). It was actually New Year's rituals in New York that were unknown in Boston, as Henry D. Sedgwick pointed out in a letter to his Boston fiancee: "Tomorrow is the commencement of a new year consecrated here to a species of brisk hilarity and hurried sociability of which you have scarcely an idea in Boston. After Church, which is out at ***1/2*** ***1/2*** past 12 & before dinner at 3 you are expected to call on all your friends everywhere to get a gla.s.s of wine & a cookie (small cake). You cannot stay at one place more than 3 minutes." [Henry D. Sedgwick] to [Jane] Minot (from N.Y.C.), Dec. 2831, 1816; quoted pa.s.sage is dated December 31 (Sedgwick V, Box 8.9). The next day Henry D. Sedgwick described the scene: "On New Year's day Robert began his visits at a quarter past twelve. I accompanied him. It is considered indispensable to visit all your friends at that season.... We finished our rounds or rather ex[h]austed our time at a quarter past 3 having made more than 30 visits in every part of the city. There were still several omissions which he very much regretted." [Henry D. Sedgwick] to [Jane] Minot, Jan. 1, 1817 (Sedgwick V, Box 9.1). past 12 & before dinner at 3 you are expected to call on all your friends everywhere to get a gla.s.s of wine & a cookie (small cake). You cannot stay at one place more than 3 minutes." [Henry D. Sedgwick] to [Jane] Minot (from N.Y.C.), Dec. 2831, 1816; quoted pa.s.sage is dated December 31 (Sedgwick V, Box 8.9). The next day Henry D. Sedgwick described the scene: "On New Year's day Robert began his visits at a quarter past twelve. I accompanied him. It is considered indispensable to visit all your friends at that season.... We finished our rounds or rather ex[h]austed our time at a quarter past 3 having made more than 30 visits in every part of the city. There were still several omissions which he very much regretted." [Henry D. Sedgwick] to [Jane] Minot, Jan. 1, 1817 (Sedgwick V, Box 9.1).

53. This was not because of a dearth of young people in the family. From 1795 to 1820 there were twenty Sedgwick children born to the third generation (i.e., Theodore Sedgwick's grandchildren). This was not because of a dearth of young people in the family. From 1795 to 1820 there were twenty Sedgwick children born to the third generation (i.e., Theodore Sedgwick's grandchildren).

54. "Vous savez notre cher pere que nous vous aimons et que nous n'avons rien a vous donner si nous avions ete dans la ville certainement nous vous avarions donne quelque chose. A l'un qui est toujours indulgent et toujours genereaux a tout le monde et surtout a ses enfans a [sic] billet est presente par Theodore Sedgwick et M. Sedgwick." Maria and Theodore Sedgwick III to their father, Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., Jan. 1, 1824 (Sedgwick II, Box 6.17). Theodore III was 12, and his sister was 10 years old. Of course, the letter itself was the real present, displaying, as it did, the children's command of a foreign language. "Vous savez notre cher pere que nous vous aimons et que nous n'avons rien a vous donner si nous avions ete dans la ville certainement nous vous avarions donne quelque chose. A l'un qui est toujours indulgent et toujours genereaux a tout le monde et surtout a ses enfans a [sic] billet est presente par Theodore Sedgwick et M. Sedgwick." Maria and Theodore Sedgwick III to their father, Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., Jan. 1, 1824 (Sedgwick II, Box 6.17). Theodore III was 12, and his sister was 10 years old. Of course, the letter itself was the real present, displaying, as it did, the children's command of a foreign language.

55. See, for example, Elizabeth Sedgwick to Robert Sedgwick, Oct., 1835: "The fact is the whole responsibility of affairs falls upon her shoulders, and even hers are not broad enough to bear it" (Sedgwick V, Box 17.14). This was one of the rare acknowledgments of the way Catharine Sedgwick was handed responsibility by her relatives. As for her love of children, Catharine Sedgwick wrote of one little boy, the son of two of her close friends: "He had better come to his Aunt Catharine who has nothing to do but to make time pa.s.s agreeably to children from two to ten years old." CMS to Eliza Cabot Follen, April 1, 1833 (CMS I, Box 8.8). Catharine Sedgwick didn't much like the commercial part of Christmas, but it was she who ended up doing much of the family's shopping, because other family members trusted her judgment (and as an unmarried woman, she was expected to have the time). See, for example, Elizabeth Sedgwick to Robert Sedgwick, Oct., 1835: "The fact is the whole responsibility of affairs falls upon her shoulders, and even hers are not broad enough to bear it" (Sedgwick V, Box 17.14). This was one of the rare acknowledgments of the way Catharine Sedgwick was handed responsibility by her relatives. As for her love of children, Catharine Sedgwick wrote of one little boy, the son of two of her close friends: "He had better come to his Aunt Catharine who has nothing to do but to make time pa.s.s agreeably to children from two to ten years old." CMS to Eliza Cabot Follen, April 1, 1833 (CMS I, Box 8.8). Catharine Sedgwick didn't much like the commercial part of Christmas, but it was she who ended up doing much of the family's shopping, because other family members trusted her judgment (and as an unmarried woman, she was expected to have the time).

56. CMS to Katherine Sedgwick, Dec. 28, 1825 (CMS I, Box 1.9). This pa.s.sage was a postscript to a letter otherwise addressed to young Katherine's father, Charles Sedgwick (Catharine's youngest brother). Catharine Sedgwick herself had sent this same niece a present of books. CMS to Katherine Sedgwick, Dec. 28, 1825 (CMS I, Box 1.9). This pa.s.sage was a postscript to a letter otherwise addressed to young Katherine's father, Charles Sedgwick (Catharine's youngest brother). Catharine Sedgwick herself had sent this same niece a present of books.

57. What is just as striking (but not apparent from the above description) is that the woman who sent the present, "Aunt Speakman" (Jane Sedgwick's aunt on her mother's side) was a Bostonian. One of the lingering ambiguities of the Christmas season (it would not be resolved for another generation) was when to open presents-on December 25 or January 1? Ultimately, it was all the same thing, inasmuch as the date was less important than the sheer fact of the gifts (indeed, as we shall see, the first Christmas trees in the Sedgwick family would be set out on New Year's Day). But it is striking nonetheless that New York was the city that held out for New Year's, while December 25 was more customary in Boston. What is just as striking (but not apparent from the above description) is that the woman who sent the present, "Aunt Speakman" (Jane Sedgwick's aunt on her mother's side) was a Bostonian. One of the lingering ambiguities of the Christmas season (it would not be resolved for another generation) was when to open presents-on December 25 or January 1? Ultimately, it was all the same thing, inasmuch as the date was less important than the sheer fact of the gifts (indeed, as we shall see, the first Christmas trees in the Sedgwick family would be set out on New Year's Day). But it is striking nonetheless that New York was the city that held out for New Year's, while December 25 was more customary in Boston.

58. Elizabeth B. Sedgwick (Mrs. Charles) to CMS, Dec. 31, 1827 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.3: misfiled because misdated 1828-"Episcopal style"); Susan Sedgwick to Jane M. Sedgwick, Jan. 5, 1828 (Sedgwick V, Box 14.1-"the most entire satisfaction"). Elizabeth B. Sedgwick (Mrs. Charles) to CMS, Dec. 31, 1827 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.3: misfiled because misdated 1828-"Episcopal style"); Susan Sedgwick to Jane M. Sedgwick, Jan. 5, 1828 (Sedgwick V, Box 14.1-"the most entire satisfaction").

59. Susan R. Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., Jan. 6, 1828 (Sedgwick II, 7.8). Susan R. Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., Jan. 6, 1828 (Sedgwick II, 7.8).

60. Elizabeth E. Sedgwick to her father, William Ellery, Jan. 12, 1828 (Sedgwick V, Box 14.1). Elizabeth E. Sedgwick to her father, William Ellery, Jan. 12, 1828 (Sedgwick V, Box 14.1).

61. Elizabeth E. Sedgwick to William Ellery, Jan. 3, 1829 (Sedgwick V, Box 14.7). Elizabeth E. Sedgwick to William Ellery, Jan. 3, 1829 (Sedgwick V, Box 14.7).

62. Jane Sedgwick to her brother William Minot, Jan. 1, 1830 (Sedgwick V, Box 15.1). Jane Sedgwick to her brother William Minot, Jan. 1, 1830 (Sedgwick V, Box 15.1).

63. Katherine Sedgwick [Minot] to CMS (from Lenox), Jan. 1, 1830 [a postscript to a letter otherwise written by Charles Sedgwick (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.7). Katherine Sedgwick [Minot] to CMS (from Lenox), Jan. 1, 1830 [a postscript to a letter otherwise written by Charles Sedgwick (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.7).

64. Elizabeth Ellery Sedgwick to her father William Ellery, Jan. 5, 1830 (Sedgwick V, Box 15.1). Elizabeth Ellery Sedgwick to her father William Ellery, Jan. 5, 1830 (Sedgwick V, Box 15.1).

65. Elizabeth E. Sedgwick to her father, Wiliam Ellery, Jan. 9, 1831 (Sedgwick V, Box 15.11). Elizabeth E. Sedgwick to her father, Wiliam Ellery, Jan. 9, 1831 (Sedgwick V, Box 15.11).

66. "Lizzy Sedgwick" to Katherine Sedgwick, Jan. 2, 1831 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.7). Three years later, Catharine Sedgwick teased Lizzie on the morning of New Year's Day: "Lizzie woke with the first ray of light-jumped into my bed & I quizzed [i.e., teased] Sue & her unmerci[full]y with a descrip[tio]n of the Tables [of presents] awaiting them-boxes of pills, doses of castor-oil, crust of bread, mug of water, &c." CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 29, 1834[Jan. 2, 1835] (CMS I, Box 1.17). "Lizzy Sedgwick" to Katherine Sedgwick, Jan. 2, 1831 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.7). Three years later, Catharine Sedgwick teased Lizzie on the morning of New Year's Day: "Lizzie woke with the first ray of light-jumped into my bed & I quizzed [i.e., teased] Sue & her unmerci[full]y with a descrip[tio]n of the Tables [of presents] awaiting them-boxes of pills, doses of castor-oil, crust of bread, mug of water, &c." CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 29, 1834[Jan. 2, 1835] (CMS I, Box 1.17).

67. Charles Sedgwick to CMS, Dec. 24, 1832 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.12). See also the letter Theodore Sedgwick received in 1824 from his two children, apologizing for not having bought a present for him. Charles Sedgwick to CMS, Dec. 24, 1832 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.12). See also the letter Theodore Sedgwick received in 1824 from his two children, apologizing for not having bought a present for him.

68. Charles Sedgwick to his daughter Katherine Sedgwick [included in a letter from his wife], Jan. 1, 1834 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.17). Charles Sedgwick to his daughter Katherine Sedgwick [included in a letter from his wife], Jan. 1, 1834 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.17).

69. Elizabeth Sedgwick (Mrs. Charles) to her daughter Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 7, 1836 (Sedgwick IV, Box 6.5). The missing presents turned up the following evening. For other examples, see Susan R. Sedgwick to her son Theodore Sedgwick III, Dec. 16, 1830 (Sedgwick II, Box 7.14), and Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., to Theodore Sedgwick III, Dec. 17, 1832 (Sedgwick II, Box 7.19). Elizabeth Sedgwick (Mrs. Charles) to her daughter Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 7, 1836 (Sedgwick IV, Box 6.5). The missing presents turned up the following evening. For other examples, see Susan R. Sedgwick to her son Theodore Sedgwick III, Dec. 16, 1830 (Sedgwick II, Box 7.14), and Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., to Theodore Sedgwick III, Dec. 17, 1832 (Sedgwick II, Box 7.19).

70. CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 17, 1832 (CMS II, Box 1.9). CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 17, 1832 (CMS II, Box 1.9).

71. Jane Sedgwick to CMS, Jan. [prob. 4], 1834 (CMS III, Box 4.1). Jane Sedgwick to CMS, Jan. [prob. 4], 1834 (CMS III, Box 4.1).

72. Elizabeth D. Sedgwick (Mrs. Charles) to Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 1, 1834 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.17). Elizabeth D. Sedgwick (Mrs. Charles) to Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 1, 1834 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.17).

73. Kate Sedgwick to CMS, Jan. 1, 1830 [postscript to a letter from Charles Sedgwick (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.7). Kate Sedgwick to CMS, Jan. 1, 1830 [postscript to a letter from Charles Sedgwick (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.7).

74. Elizabeth D. Sedgwick to her daughter Katherine Sedgwick, Jan. 1, 1834 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.17). Elizabeth D. Sedgwick to her daughter Katherine Sedgwick, Jan. 1, 1834 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.17).

75. CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 7, 1833 (CMS I, Box 1.15). Or again, CMS to Katherine Sedgwick, Dec. 29, 1834[-Jan. 2, 1835]: "Your Aunt & E. rec'd handsome wax flowers from the Rod[ha]ms & mingling a few fresh geranium leaves with them they pa.s.sed with these artifi[cia]l New Yorkers for as natural as mine. Do you believe they'd know a live lion from a dead dog?" (CMS I, Box 1.17.) CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 7, 1833 (CMS I, Box 1.15). Or again, CMS to Katherine Sedgwick, Dec. 29, 1834[-Jan. 2, 1835]: "Your Aunt & E. rec'd handsome wax flowers from the Rod[ha]ms & mingling a few fresh geranium leaves with them they pa.s.sed with these artifi[cia]l New Yorkers for as natural as mine. Do you believe they'd know a live lion from a dead dog?" (CMS I, Box 1.17.) 76. Susan Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., Dec. 30, 1835 (Sedgwick II, Box 8.5). Susan Sedgwick to Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., Dec. 30, 1835 (Sedgwick II, Box 8.5).

77. CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 17, 1832 (CMS II, Box 1.9). CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 17, 1832 (CMS II, Box 1.9).

78. CMS to her sister Frances Watson, Dec. 23, 1831 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.9). CMS to her sister Frances Watson, Dec. 23, 1831 (Sedgwick IV, Box 5.9).

79. CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 7, 1833 (CMS I, Box 1.15). CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Jan. 7, 1833 (CMS I, Box 1.15).

80. Jane Sedgwick to CMS, Dec. 2224, 1833 (CMS III, Box 3.14). Jane Sedgwick to CMS, Dec. 2224, 1833 (CMS III, Box 3.14).

81. All the above from CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 31, 1830 (CMS I, Box 1.13). All the above from CMS to Kate Sedgwick, Dec. 31, 1830 (CMS I, Box 1.13).

82. "Major Longbows Description of Jos. Bonfanti's Fancy Store," American Antiquarian Society. This verse was printed sometime between 1824 and 1837, probably during the mid-1820S. Bonfanti published another Christmas verse-advertis.e.m.e.nt during the 1824 Christmas season, sixteen verses describing the shop's most alluring gifts-but without any reference to Santa Claus (this appeared in the "Major Longbows Description of Jos. Bonfanti's Fancy Store," American Antiquarian Society. This verse was printed sometime between 1824 and 1837, probably during the mid-1820S. Bonfanti published another Christmas verse-advertis.e.m.e.nt during the 1824 Christmas season, sixteen verses describing the shop's most alluring gifts-but without any reference to Santa Claus (this appeared in the New York Advertiser New York Advertiser, Jan. 1, 1825).

83. Daily Cincinnati Gazette Daily Cincinnati Gazette, Dec. 2418, 1844. This same newspaper printed the following editorial notice on Dec. 24: "SANTA CLAUS "SANTA CLAUS. This renowned friend of good boys and girls held a grand levee at LOUDERBECK'S LOUDERBECK'S yesterday, and was waited upon by hundreds of the little people of the Queen City. Hearing of what was going on, we called around just about sun-down, but were rather late. The old gentleman, with his arms full of Christmas presents, was on the eve of retiring for the night. Seeing us however, he paused a moment, although he had one leg down the chimney, and allowed us to scan his features. He is very certainly a benevolent old gentleman, and altogether as comical in appearance as any one we have ever seen. He holds another levee today, and such of our little friends as did not visit him yesterday, should not fail to make him a call" yesterday, and was waited upon by hundreds of the little people of the Queen City. Hearing of what was going on, we called around just about sun-down, but were rather late. The old gentleman, with his arms full of Christmas presents, was on the eve of retiring for the night. Seeing us however, he paused a moment, although he had one leg down the chimney, and allowed us to scan his features. He is very certainly a benevolent old gentleman, and altogether as comical in appearance as any one we have ever seen. He holds another levee today, and such of our little friends as did not visit him yesterday, should not fail to make him a call" (Cincinnati Daily Gazette (Cincinnati Daily Gazette, Dec. 24, 1844). The same picture turned up in an 1851 jeweler's advertis.e.m.e.nt in Bangor, Maine. (1851 Bangor City Directory.) 84. [Philadelphia] [Philadelphia] North American North American, Dec. 25, 1841, quoted in Alfred Shoemaker, Christmas in Pennsylvania, A Folk-Cultural Study Christmas in Pennsylvania, A Folk-Cultural Study (Kutztown: Penn. Folklore Society, 1959), 46; (Kutztown: Penn. Folklore Society, 1959), 46; Philadelphia Public Ledger Philadelphia Public Ledger, Dec. 27, 1841.

85. Daily Cincinnati Gazette Daily Cincinnati Gazette, Dec. 23 and 24, 1844. The earliest reference I have found to a living impersonation of Santa Claus dates from 1833, when a student at the General Theological Seminary in New York (Clement Clarke Moore's inst.i.tution, located in Chelsea) attended a church Christmas fair in Morristown, New Jersey, and reported that "[i]t was held ... under the auspices of a figure called St. Nicholas who was robed in fur, and dressed according to the description of Prof. Moore in his poem." Ma.n.u.script diary of Francis Prioleau Lee, Dec. 31, 1833, in the archives of the General Theological Seminary. (Sandra D. Hayslette brought this item to my attention while she was an undergraduate student at the College of William and Mary.) It is possible that this St. Nicholas was a constructed figure and not a real person.

86. For a stimulating discussion of this paradox, see Karen Hultunen, For a stimulating discussion of this paradox, see Karen Hultunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Cla.s.s Culture in America, 18301870 Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Cla.s.s Culture in America, 18301870 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982). In the capitalist order, personal relations.h.i.+ps were based on compet.i.tion, limited only by law and contract, while in the domestic order those relations.h.i.+ps were founded on affection and loyalty. In retrospect, it is clear enough that capitalism and domesticity went hand in hand with each other. But at the time, people sometimes experienced the two as being in mutual tension, a tension that was resolved by a.s.signing the two to operate in what were sometimes termed "separate spheres." Domestic values took precedence within the home and family; capitalist values held sway in most of the world outside, the world of business and politics. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982). In the capitalist order, personal relations.h.i.+ps were based on compet.i.tion, limited only by law and contract, while in the domestic order those relations.h.i.+ps were founded on affection and loyalty. In retrospect, it is clear enough that capitalism and domesticity went hand in hand with each other. But at the time, people sometimes experienced the two as being in mutual tension, a tension that was resolved by a.s.signing the two to operate in what were sometimes termed "separate spheres." Domestic values took precedence within the home and family; capitalist values held sway in most of the world outside, the world of business and politics.

87. New York Tribune New York Tribune, Dec. 25, 1855. Horace Greeley himself had editorially resisted Christmas consumerism throughout the 1840s. For a while he ran annual editorials attacking lavish spending as socially harmful.

Chapter 5 5.

1. The first expression of this new concern I have found is a story by Eliza Leslie, the author of "Snow-Balling." It is "The Souvenir," in The first expression of this new concern I have found is a story by Eliza Leslie, the author of "Snow-Balling." It is "The Souvenir," in The Pearl The Pearl for 1830 (Philadelphia), 106123, a story about a little girl who gives away the Gift Book she has received as a Christmas present. for 1830 (Philadelphia), 106123, a story about a little girl who gives away the Gift Book she has received as a Christmas present.

2. The scene is recorded in Harriet Martineau, The scene is recorded in Harriet Martineau, Retrospect of Western Travel Retrospect of Western Travel (2 vols., London and New York, 1838), 1, 178179; and in Eliza C. Folien, "Life of Charles Folien," (2 vols., London and New York, 1838), 1, 178179; and in Eliza C. Folien, "Life of Charles Folien," The Works of Charles Folien The Works of Charles Folien (5 vols., Boston, 1842), I, 386387. Harriet Martineau thought this was the Follens' first Christmas tree, but Eliza Follen's account indicates that it was probably their fourth. (5 vols., Boston, 1842), I, 386387. Harriet Martineau thought this was the Follens' first Christmas tree, but Eliza Follen's account indicates that it was probably their fourth.

3. Follen's two exiles are described in George W. Spindler, Follen's two exiles are described in George W. Spindler, The Life of Karl Folien: A Study in German-American Cultural Relations The Life of Karl Folien: A Study in German-American Cultural Relations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917), 7684; see also Folien, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917), 7684; see also Folien, Works Works, 1, 3158.

4. Ibid., 1, 149 (reading Ibid., 1, 149 (reading Redwood)' Redwood)', 150 (1825 visit); 152 (Stockbridge visit); 163 (Sedgwick introduces Cabot to Folien). The Follens' little boy was particularly fond of Catharine Sedgwick (he called her "Aunt Catharine"), and she returned his affection.

5. Ibid., 1, 303 (new house). The Harvard position paid only $500 per annum. One of the three men who contributed the money was Eliza Follen's father. See Douglas Stange, "The Making of an Abolitionist Martyr: Harvard Professor Charles Theodore Christian Folien (17961840)," in Ibid., 1, 303 (new house). The Harvard position paid only $500 per annum. One of the three men who contributed the money was Eliza Follen's father. See Douglas Stange, "The Making of an Abolitionist Martyr: Harvard Professor Charles Theodore Christian Folien (17961840)," in Harvard Library Bulletin Harvard Library Bulletin, vol. 24 (1976), 1724.

6. Folien, Folien, Works Works, 1, 379.

7. Ibid., I, 342346. Douglas Stange argues that the termination was unrelated to Follen's abolitionist activities, and that Harvard had never planned in the first place to offer Folien a permanent job; he attributes the anti-Harvard interpretation to radical Garrisonian propaganda-the desire to create abolitionist martyrs (ibid., 1920, 23). I disagree: Stange's argument is based on a literal interpretation of a letter written by Harvard president Josiah Quincy, a letter that was almost certainly designed to protect Harvard's interests by ascribing to purely administrative causes what was actually a thoroughly political decision. Compare the following letter from William Minot to Jane Sedgwick, April 14, 1836: "The Follens ... are full of prejudices & have communicated ... very erroneous notions of the condition of Harvard College as to discipline Ibid., I, 342346. Douglas Stange argues that the termination was unrelated to Follen's abolitionist activities, and that Harvard had never planned in the first place to offer Folien a permanent job; he attributes the anti-Harvard interpretation to radical Garrisonian propaganda-the desire to create abolitionist martyrs (ibid., 1920, 23). I disagree: Stange's argument is based on a literal interpretation of a letter written by Harvard president Josiah Quincy, a letter that was almost certainly designed to protect Harvard's interests by ascribing to purely administrative causes what was actually a thoroughly political decision. Compare the following letter from William Minot to Jane Sedgwick, April 14, 1836: "The Follens ... are full of prejudices & have communicated ... very erroneous notions of the condition of Harvard College as to discipline Sc Sc instruction. They are disappointed in their places & impute the failure to others instead of themselves. The Dr. [Folien] is a learned & very laborious man of good talents, an excellent teacher of the German language, but deficient in the qualifications of an interesting & useful public lecturer, and he & his wife are dissatisfied because the College would not give him the professors.h.i.+p of moral philosophy which has been vacant ever since the death of Mr. Fiske[?], for which he is by no means fit. They have both thrown themselves into the melee of this abolition controversy[,] & by their indiscreet zeal have annoyed their friends & as I think injured the cause of emanc.i.p.ation" (Sedgwick Family Papers V [Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society], Box 18.2). instruction. They are disappointed in their places & impute the failure to others instead of themselves. The Dr. [Folien] is a learned & very laborious man of good talents, an excellent teacher of the German language, but deficient in the qualifications of an interesting & useful public lecturer, and he & his wife are dissatisfied because the College would not give him the professors.h.i.+p of moral philosophy which has been vacant ever since the death of Mr. Fiske[?], for which he is by no means fit. They have both thrown themselves into the melee of this abolition controversy[,] & by their indiscreet zeal have annoyed their friends & as I think injured the cause of emanc.i.p.ation" (Sedgwick Family Papers V [Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society], Box 18.2).

8. Folien, Folien, Works Works, I, 360361; Catharine Sedgwick to Jane Sedgwick, Mar. 29, 1835, in Catharine Sedgwick Papers III (Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society), Box 4.3; see also Catharine Sedgwick to Eliza Cabot Folien, July 28, 1835, in CMS I, Box 8.8.

9. Folien, Folien, Works Works, 1, 360368 (quotation from 362).

10. For a.n.a.lyzing and dating Follen's loss of this position, see Catharine Sedgwick to Eliza Cabot Follen and Catharine Sedgwick to Jane Sedgwick, both dated December 19, 1835 [though not postmarked until January 3, 1836] (CMS Papers I, Box 8.8). See also Follen, For a.n.a.lyzing and dating Follen's loss of this position, see Catharine Sedgwick to Eliza Cabot Follen and Catharine Sedgwick to Jane Sedgwick, both dated December 19, 1835 [though not postmarked until January 3, 1836] (CMS Papers I, Box 8.8). See also Follen, Works Works, 1, 374378.

11. Follen, Follen, Works Works, I, 387403; Martineau, Retrospect Retrospect, II, 165168. Follen seems to have developed this style early in life: In response to being taunted by his father and brothers, he devised a facade of "perfect self-control" to hide his feelings (Follen, Works Works, 1, 78.) 12. R. K. Webb, R. K. Webb, Harriet Martineau: A Radical Victorian Harriet Martineau: A Radical Victorian (London: Heineman, 1960), 43133. (London: Heineman, 1960), 43133.

13. Catharine Sedgwick to Jane Sedgwick, May 3, 1835 (CMS III, Box 4.3). Catharine Sedgwick to Jane Sedgwick, May 3, 1835 (CMS III, Box 4.3).

14. See CMS to Eliza L. Follen, July 28, 1835 (CMS I, Box 8.8).; Ellery Sedgwick to Elizabeth Sedgwick, July 31, 1835 (Sedgwick Family Papers V [Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society], Box 17.11). In September, Martineau visited Newport, where she met Elizabeth Ellery Sedgwick (who reported conversing with her through Martineaus notorious hearing aid-she was hard-of-hearing-which Mrs. Sedgwick called the "dreaded trumpet." Elizabeth Ellery Sedgwick to Robert Sedgwick, Sept. 10, 1835 (Sedgwick V, Box 17.13). See CMS to Eliza L. Follen, July 28, 1835 (CMS I, Box 8.8).; Ellery Sedgwick to Elizabeth Sedgwick, July 31, 1835 (Sedgwick Family Papers V [Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society], Box 17.11). In September, Martineau visited Newport, where she met Elizabeth Ellery Sedgwick (who reported conversing with her through Martineaus notorious hearing aid-she was hard-of-hearing-which Mrs. Sedgwick called the "dreaded trumpet." Elizabeth Ellery Sedgwick to Robert Sedgwick, Sept. 10, 1835 (Sedgwick V, Box 17.13).

15. Harriet Martineau, Harriet Martineau, Retrospectives of Western Travel Retrospectives of Western Travel (2 vols., London and New York, 1838), II, 164. Twenty years later, Martineau wrote: "I felt that I could never be happy again if I refused what was asked of me: but to comply was probably to shut against me every door in the United States but those of the Abolitionists. I should no more see persons and things as they ordinarily were: I should have no more comfort or pleasure in my travels; and my very life would be ... endangered by an avowal of the kind desired" (Harriet Martineau, (2 vols., London and New York, 1838), II, 164. Twenty years later, Martineau wrote: "I felt that I could never be happy again if I refused what was asked of me: but to comply was probably to shut against me every door in the United States but those of the Abolitionists. I should no more see persons and things as they ordinarily were: I should have no more comfort or pleasure in my travels; and my very life would be ... endangered by an avowal of the kind desired" (Harriet Martineau, Autobiography Autobiography [3 vols., London, 1877], II, 30). [3 vols., London, 1877], II, 30).

16. Martineau, Martineau, Autobiography Autobiography, II, 3242; Martineau to f.a.n.n.y Wedgwood, Jan. 17, 1840, in Elizabeth Sanders Arbuckle, ed., Harriet Martineaus Leo f.a.n.n.y Wedgwood Harriet Martineaus Leo f.a.n.n.y Wedgwood (Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1983), 30 ("nearest friend"). (Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1983), 30 ("nearest friend").

17. Martineau, Martineau, Retrospect Retrospect, II, 173176.