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A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages Volume III Part 21

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Now haue I tolde the what treuthe is, that no tresore is bettere, I may no lenger lenge the with, now loke the owre lorde!"

(VISION, I. 202-7.)

All such warnings, however, were disregarded, and in the hour of its unquestionable supremacy the sacerdotal system, which seemed impregnable to all a.s.saults and to have no a.s.sailants, was on the eve of its overthrow. The Inquisition had been too successful. So complete had been the triumph of the Church that the old machinery was allowed to become out of gear and to rust for want of daily use. The Inquisition itself had ceased to inspire its old-time terror. For a century it had little to do save an occasional foray upon the peasants of the Alpine valleys, or an extortion on the Jews of Palermo, or the fomenting of a witchcraft craze. It no longer had the stimulus of active work or the opportunity of impressing the minds of the people with the certainty of its vengeance and the terrors of its holocausts.

At the same time the Great Schism had inflicted a serious blow upon the veneration entertained for the Holy See by both clergy and laity, which found expression in the great councils of Constance and Basle. Dexterous management, it is true, averted the immediate dangers threatened by these parliaments of Christendom, and the Church remained in theory an autocracy instead of being converted into a const.i.tutional monarchy, but nevertheless the old unquestioning confidence in the vicegerent of G.o.d was gone, while the aspirations of Christendom grew stronger under repression. The invention of printing came to stimulate the spread of enlightenment, and a reading public gradually formed itself, reached and influenced by other modes than the pulpit and the lecture-room, which had been the monopoly of the Church. No longer was culture virtually the sole appanage of ecclesiastics. The New Learning spread among a daily increasing cla.s.s the thirst for knowledge and the critical spirit of inquiry, which insensibly undermined the traditional claims of the Church on the veneration and obedience of mankind.

Save in Spain, where racial divisions furnished peculiar factors to the problem, everything conspired to disarm the Inquisition and render it powerless when it was most sorely needed. Orthodox uniformity had been so successfully enforced that the popes of the fifteenth century, immersed in worldly cares beyond the capacity of the Inquisition to gratify, scarce gave themselves the trouble to keep up its organization; and, save when some madness of witchcraft called for victims, the people and the local clergy made no demand for vindicators of the faith.

Scholastic quarrels, for the most part, were settled by the universities, which arrogated to themselves much of the jurisdiction of the Holy Office; and the episcopal ordinaries seemed almost to have forgotten the functions which were theirs by immemorial right.

Although German orthodoxy had been so uniform that the Inquisition there had always been weak and unorganized, yet Germany was the inevitable seat of the revolt. In England and France the power of a monarchy, backed by a united people, had set some bounds to papal aggression and a.s.sumption. In Italy the pope was regarded more as a temporal prince than as the head of the Church, and the Ghibellines had never hesitated to oppose his schemes of political aggrandizement. In Germany, however, the papal policy of disunion and civil strife had proved fatally successful, and since the untimely death of Louis of Bavaria there had been no central power strong enough to defend the people and the local churches from the avarice and ambition of the representatives of St.

Peter. Luther came when the public mind was receptive and insubordinate, and when there was no organized instrumentality for his prompt repression. As I have already pointed out, his scholastic discussion as to the power of the keys seemed at first too insignificant to require attention; when the debate enlarged there were no means at hand for its speedy suppression, and, by the time the Church could marshal its unwieldy forces, the people had espoused his cause in a region where, as the Sachsenspiegel shows, there was no hereditary or prescriptive readiness to venerate the canon law. The hour, the place, and the man had met by a happy concurrence, and the era of modern civilization and unfettered thought was opened, in spite of the fact that the reformers were as rigid as the orthodox in setting bounds to dogmatic independence.

The review which we have made of the follies and crimes of our ancestors has revealed to us a scene of almost unrelieved blackness. We have seen how the wayward heart of man, groping in twilight, has under the best of impulses inflicted misery and despair on his fellow-creatures while thinking to serve G.o.d, and how the ambitious and unprincipled have traded on those impulses to gratify the l.u.s.t of avarice and domination.

Yet such a review, rightly estimated, is full of hope and encouragement.

In the unrest of modern society, where immediate relief is sought from the ma.s.s of evils oppressing mankind, and impatience is eager to overturn all social organization in the hope of founding a new structure where preventable misery shall be unknown, it is well occasionally to take a backward view, to tear away the veil which conceals the pa.s.sions and the sufferings of bygone generations, and estimate fairly the progress already effected. Human development is slow and irregular; to the observer at a given point it appears stationary or retrogressive, and it is only by comparing periods removed by a considerable interval of time that the movement can be appreciated. Such a retrospect as we have wearily accomplished has shown us how, but a few centuries since, the infliction of gratuitous evil was deemed the highest duty of man, and we learn how much has been gained to the empire of Christian love and charity. We have seen how the administration of law, both spiritual and secular, was little other than organized wrong and injustice; we have seen how low were the moral standards, and how debased the mental condition of the populations of Christendom. We have seen that the Ages of Faith, to which romantic dreamers regretfully look back, were ages of force and fraud, where evil seemed to reign almost unchecked, justifying the current opinion, so constantly reappearing, that the reign of Antichrist had already begun. Imperfect as are human inst.i.tutions to-day, a comparison with the past shows how marvellous has been the improvement, and the fact that this gain has been made almost wholly within the last two centuries, and that it is advancing with accelerated momentum, affords to the sociologist the most cheering encouragement.

Principles have been established which, if allowed to develop themselves naturally and healthfully, will render the future of mankind very different from aught that the world has yet seen. The greatest danger to modern society lies in the impatient theorists who desire to reform the world at a blow, in place of aiding in the struggle of good with evil under the guidance of eternal laws. Could they be convinced of the advance so swiftly made and of its steady development, they might moderate their ardor and direct their energies to wise construction rather than to heedless destruction.

A few words will suffice to summarize the career of the mediaeval Inquisition. It introduced a system of jurisprudence which infected the criminal law of all the lands subjected to its influence, and rendered the administration of penal justice a cruel mockery for centuries. It furnished the Holy See with a powerful weapon in aid of political aggrandizement, it tempted secular sovereigns to imitate the example, and it prost.i.tuted the name of religion to the vilest temporal ends. It stimulated the morbid sensitiveness to doctrinal aberrations until the most trifling dissidence was capable of arousing insane fury, and of convulsing Europe from end to end. On the other hand, when atheism became fas.h.i.+onable in high places, its thunders were mute. Energetic only in evil, when its powers might have been used on the side of virtue, it held its hand and gave the people to understand that the only sins demanding repression were doubt as to the accuracy of the Church's knowledge of the unknown, and attendance on the Sabbat. In its long career of blood and fire, the only credit which it can claim is the suppression of the pernicious dogmas of the Cathari, and in this its agency may be regarded as superfluous, for those dogmas carried in themselves the seeds of self-destruction, and higher wisdom might have trusted to their self-extinction. Thus the judgment of impartial history must be that the Inquisition was the monstrous offspring of mistaken zeal, utilized by selfish greed and l.u.s.t of power to smother the higher aspirations of humanity and stimulate its baser appet.i.tes.

APPENDIX.

I.

CONFESSION OF A HARBORER OF SPIRITUALS.

(Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.)

This is one of twenty-two similar cases. The statements have every appearance of being drawn up to lay before an a.s.sembly of experts.

Johannes de Petra, sartor, filius quondam Guillelmi de Petra oriundus de parrochia Vallis diocesis Mimatensis, habitator Montispessulani, sicut per ipsius confessionem in judicio sub anno Domini MCCC vigesimo s.e.xto mense Novembris et Januarii factam, legitime n.o.bis constat a tribus vel quatuor annis ante tempus confessionis factae per eum de infrascriptis contra Guillelmum Verrerii de Narbona et Petrum Dayssan de Biterris pro haeresi fugitivos in domo propria multo tempore receptavit, c.u.m eis comedit et bibit, et ad diversa loca in eorum societate ivit, multosque alios fugitivos et alios de credentia beguinorum combustorum etiam in dicta domo sua vidit, et c.u.m eis comedit et bibit frequenter, et etiam fratrem Raimundum Johannis apostatam ab ordine minorum et a fide fugitivum in dicta domo propria ad prandendum invitavit, sibique comedere et bibere de suis bonis dedit, in festo fratris Petri facto per eos in Montepessulano interfuit et comedit, aliasque multipliciter et diversimode c.u.m ipsis fugitivis et quibusdam aliis de credentia beguinorum conversatus fuit non c.u.m omnibus simul et semel, sed diversis vicibus, aliquando c.u.m uno, alias c.u.m duobus vel pluribus, sicuti veniebant, sciens eos esse tales. Item ab eis fugitivis et beguinis seu aliquibus eorum errores infrascriptos audivit, videlicet: quod beguini qui fuerant condemnati et combusti in Narbona, Capitestagno, Biterris, Lodeva et Lunello et alibi fuerant boni homines et catholici, et fuerant indebite et injuste condemnati, et quod erant sancti et martyres gloriosi; et idem audivit a quodam quem nominat dici de fratribus minoribus Ma.s.siliae combustis, videlicet quod erant injuste condemnati, et quod erant mortui sancti martyres gloriosi, et erant in Paradiso, et quod tenuerant sanctam vitam et bonam, et viam veritatis et paupertatis, et quod propter hoc inquisitores condemnabant eosdem. Item audivit ab eodem quem nominat quod dominus papa qui nunc est non est verus papa sicut fuit Sanctus Petrus nee habet illam potestatem quam Dominus Jesus Christus dederat beato Petro, quodque si fuisset verus papa non consentiret nec sustineret quod dicti beguini et fratres minores condemnarentur qui tenebant viam Dei et veritatis. Item quod cardinales et alii praelati ecclesiae Romanae sustinebant et faciebant praedictas condemnationes propter favorem et timorem dicti domini papae, dicens ipse Joannes quod inductus per dictum hominem praedictos errores credidit, scilicet dictos condemnatos credidit fuisse injuste condemnatos et esse sanctos et martyres gloriosos et esse in Paradiso, credidit etiam quod dominus papa non esset verus papa propter condemnationem praedictorum, sicut a praedicto homine et pluribus aliis quos nominat se a.s.serit audivisse, et fuit in credentia praedictorum errorum ab illo tempore citra, quo praedictus h.o.m.o sibi praedictos errores dixit usque ad illud tempus quo fuit in Montepessulano arrestatus de mandato inquisitoris, et tunc pnituit ut a.s.serit, de praedictis. Item audivit a quibusdam, scilicet a predicto Guillelmo Verrerii et aliis quod si unus h.o.m.o fecisset votum eundi ad Sanctum Jacob.u.m quod melius faceret si daret pecuniam illam quam expendere posset in via pauperibus lat.i.tantibus et non aliis qui publiae mendicabant, quia S. Jacobus vel aliquis alius sanctus non indiget oblationibus quae sibi offerebantur. Item quod si unus h.o.m.o promiserit alicui sancto vel beatae Mariae virgini unam candelam vel ejus valorem, daret pauperibus, et hoc credidit ipse loquens et in ipsa credentia stet.i.t per unum annum vel quasi sicut dixit; committens praedicta a praedicto tempore citra celavit ea nec confiteri voluit, donec captus est et longo tempore sub arresto positus et denique in muri carcere detentus fuit, et contra proprium juramentum de praedictis celavit et negavit expressius a principio veritatem, nec dictos fugitivos detexit nec capi procuravit, dicens se pnitere.

II.

BULL OF JOHN XXII. ORDERING THE TRANSFER OF PIERRE TRENCAVEL.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carca.s.sonne.--Doat, x.x.xV. fol. 18.)

Johannes episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto filio Michaeli Monachi de ordine fratrum minorum inquisitori haereticae pravitatis in partibus Provinciae auctoritate apostolica deputato salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ex insinuatione dilecti filii Joannis de Prato de ordine fratrum praedicatorum inquisitoris haereticae pravitatis in partibus Carca.s.sonensibus auctoritate apostolica deputati nuper accepimus quod Petrus Trencavelli de Aurilhat Biterrensis diocesis, qui olim de crimine haeresis delatus et vehementer suspectus captus ext.i.tit et in muro inquisitionis Carca.s.sonae positus et detentus, de quo muro postmodum temerariis dicitur ausibus aufugisse, quodque factis subsequente rite processibus contra eum, ipsoque reperto de crimine hujusmodi culpabili et resperso, in sermone publico Carca.s.sonae de eodem fuit crimine condemnatus tanquam haereticus, necnon Andraea ejusdem Petri filia, de praedicto crimine vehementer suspecta et etiam fugitiva, manc.i.p.ati tuis carceribus detinentur. c.u.m autem negotio fidei expediat quod praefati Petrus et Andraea, ut de aliis per ipsos ut fertur infectis, ipsorumque fautoribus in eis partibus possit haberi cert.i.tudo plenior, inquisitori rest.i.tuantur praedicto, nos qui negotium hujusmodi ubique cupimus, Domino cooperante, prosperari, praefati inquisitoris in hac parte supplicationibus inclinati, discretioni tuae per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus eidem inquisitori vel ejus certo nuncio praedictos Petrum Trencavelli et Andraeam filiam ejus rest.i.tuere, cessante difficultatis obstaculo, non postponas. Datum Avenione decimo secundo Kalendas Aprilis, Pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. (21 Mar. 1327.)

III.

SENTENCE OF NAPROUS BONETA.

(Doat, XXVII. fol. 95.)

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, Amen. c.u.m nos fratres Henricus de Chamayo Carca.s.sonae et P. Bruni Tholosa.n.u.s inquisitores, et Hugo Augerii et Durandus Catherini commissarii supradicti per inquisitionem legitime factam invenimus et per confessionem vestram fatam in judicio legitime n.o.bis constat quod tu Naprous Boneta filia quondam Stephani Boneti de Sancto Petro de la Cadiera diocesis Nemausensis, habitatrix Montispessulani, contra veram fidem catholicam et ecclesiam Romanam sacrosanctam, potestati et auctoritati sanctae sedis apostolicae et domini summi pontificis detrahendo, de potestate et auctoritate ipsius vicarii Domini nostri Jesu Christi ac sacrosanctae ecclesiae princ.i.p.atum et fundamentum indissolubile, et claves ac sacramenta blasphemando et quantum in te est totaliter enervando, et male ac perverse sentiendo de fide, plures articulos sacris canonibus contrarios, haereticales et erroneos sustinuisti et adhuc sustinere niteris animo pertinaci, sicque tam graviter in crimine haereseos deliquisti prout est tibi lectum et recitatum intelligibiliter in vulgari; idcirco nos inquisitores et commissarii antedicti, praefati illius vestigiis inhaerentes qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed majus ut convertatur et vivat, te Naprous Boneta praedictam tantos et tam enormes errores et haereses, ut praemitt.i.tur sustinentem et defendere volentem protervia improba et anima pertinaci, saepe ac saepius caritative prius per nostrum praedecessorem multipliciter monitam et rogatam iteratis vicibus, nihilominus requisivimus, rogavimus, monuimus et per probos viros religiosos et saeculares moneri et rogari salubriter et humiliter fecimus ut a praedictis erroribus resilire et eos revocare verbo et animo ac etiam abjurare velles, redeundo fideliter et veraciter ad sanctae matris ecclesiae unitatem quae claudere non consuevit, imo potius aperire gremium ad eam redire volenti; tu vero monitiones et requisitiones hujusmodi et preces admittere hactenus recusasti et adhuc etiam recusas tuae saevitiae inhaerens et insuper a.s.serens te velle in ipsis erroribus et haeresibus, quos veros et catholicos a.s.seris, vivere atque mori, nolens nostris et peritorum proborumque virorum in sacra scriptura et in utroque jure doctorum consilio credere, quoquomodo attento per nos, et viso per experientiam manifestam quod per impunitatis audaciam fiunt qui nequam fuerunt quotidie nequiores, ex nostro compulsi officio, ad quod c.u.m diligentia exercendum ex praecepto sanctae obedientiae obligamur, nolentes sicuti nec debemus tam nefanda et totae ecclesiae et fidei catholicae obviantia periculosissime ulterius tolerare, de multorum virorum religiosorum et saecularium peritorum in utroque jure super praemissis consilio praehabito diligenti, Deum habentes prae oculis, sacrosanctis evangeliis Jesu Christi positis coram n.o.bis ut de vultu Dei nostrum prodeat judicium et r.e.c.t.u.m appareat coram Deo, oculique nostri videant aequitatem, hac die loco et hora praesentibus per nos peremptorie a.s.signatis ad audiendum diffinitivam sententiam, sedentes pro tribunali, Christi nomine invocato, te Naprous, in et c.u.m his scriptis p.r.o.nuntiamus, judicamus et declaramus esse haereticam et haeresiarcham impnitentem et in tua duritia pertinacem, et ecclesia non habeat quid ulterius faciat de talibus, te, tanquam haereticam et haeresiarcham impnitentem et obstinatam relinquimus curiae saeculari, eamdem curiam rogantes, prout suadent canonicas sanctiones, ut tibi vitam et membra citra mortis periculum illibata conservet.

IV.

CONFESSION OF A FRATICELLO OF LANGUEDOC.

(Doat, XXVII. fol. 202.)

Frater Bartholomeus Bruguiere, sicut per ipsius confessionem sub anno Domini MCCCXXVIII. mense Februarii factam in judicio, legitime n.o.bis constat, quod quibusdam quos nominat dixit: _Loquamur de istis papis_, intelligendo sicut dixit, de Domino Joanne Papa XXII.

et de illo Italico, sic intruso, et subjunxit in veritatem: "Modo dum Missam celebrabam, et fui in illo puncto in quo est orandum pro Papa nostro, steti ibi aliquandiu rogitans et hesitans pro quo istorum Paparum orare debuerem, et dum sic stetissem per aliquod spatium, non procedens ultra, cogitavi quod unus illorum ecclesie regimen usurpabat, alio existente vero Papa, et idcirco volui quod oratio mea esset pro illo qui juste regimen Ecclesie tenebat, quicunque esset ille." Nec dixit quid determina.s.set se ad unum nec ad alium predictorum. Item dixit duobus fratribus predicatoribus: "Vos alii fratres habetis bonum tempus in isto Papa in istis partibus, et fratres nostri malum, sed in Lombardia c.u.m illo Papa Italico est totaliter contrarium." Dixit enim quod audiverat quod in creatione illius Pape italici fuerunt septuaginta prelati. Item dum citatus veniret ad inquisitoris penitentiam et jura.s.set ad sancta Dei Evangelia certa hora in ejus presentia comparere, hoc non obstante non comparuit, sed abscondit se nolens venire ad inquisitoris mandatum. Item frequenter audivit multos fratres sui ordinis qui dicebant quod bene staret, quod Deus daret Domino Joanni Pape tales facendas quod de negotiis illius ordinis non recordaretur, quia videbatur dictis fratribus quod dictus dominus Papa non haberet aliquid pungere vel restringere nisi ordinem eorumdem, et dixit seipsum dixisse predicta c.u.m aliis; causam suam et dictorum fratrum quare ista dicebant a.s.signavit, quia dominus Papa revocaverat const.i.tutionem per quam dicebant procuratores suos esse procuratores ecclesie Romane. Item dixit quod audivit frequenter a multis fratribus sui ordinis fratrem Michaelem quondam suum ministrum generalem esse injuste depositum et excommunicatum.

Item dixit quod dum semel predicabat dixit ista verba: "Dicitur quod habemus duos Papas, et tamen ego credo unum esse verum Papam,"

et, aliquibus verbis interjectis, subjunxit hec verba: "Teneant se ergo c.u.m fortiori." Item dixit quod dum semel in magna societate fratrum diceret: "Utinam iste Antipapa esset de ordine predicatorum, vel de statu alio" respondit unus de fratribus: "Plus volo quod dictus Antipapa sit de ordine nostro, quia si esset de statu alio, tunc nec ipsum nec istum Joannem Papam haberemus amic.u.m, et tandem istum Italic.u.m habemus amic.u.m." Cujus dicto applauserunt omnes presentes dicentes: "Bene comedit se et rodit semetipsum modo iste Papa Joannes;" et videbatur ipsi qui loquitur, sicut dixit, quod de ruina, infortuniis ecclesie que Domino Joanni pape contingebant, tempore sui regiminis, multum gaudebant. Hec omnia audivit ipse qui loquitur, nec revelavit. Item, mense Maii sequenti, ipse predicta verba que debuit dicere in sermone, videlicet: "Habemus duos Papas, teneamus nos c.u.m fortiori" revocat tanquam falso confessata per eumdem, quam confessionem fecerat, sicut dixit, metu carceris et catene et jejunii et aque, de quibus sibi plurimi minabantur ut dixit. Premissa omnia alia a.s.serit esse vera, dixit tamen quod, istis non obstantibus, nunquam credidit quin dominus noster Papa Joannes XXII. esset verus Papa. Postque, anno quo supra, die nona Septembris, sentiens et videns se convictus per testis super verbis predictis in ipso sermone prolatis, rediit ad confessionem predictam, et ab ipsa revocatione penitus resilivit et se supposuit misericordie Inquisitoris.

(Doat, x.x.xV. fol. 87.)

Joannes episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio Inquisitori heretice pravitatis in partibus Carca.s.sonensibus, auctoritate apostolica deputato, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Exposuit n.o.bis dilectus filius Raimundus de Ladots ordinis fratrum minorum, ejusdem ordinis procurator generalis, quod licet Bartholomeus Brugerie olim predicti ordinis jamdudum, suis culpis et delictis exigentibus, per dilectum filium Geraldum Ottonis ipsius ordinis generalem ministrum ab eodem ordine fuerit per sententiam deffinitivam expulsus, tu tamen ipsum ratione criminis heresis de qua se respersum reddidit et convictum, c.u.m habitu dictorum fratrum detines tuis carceribus manc.i.p.atum; sane quia in opprobrium redundaret fratrum et ordinis predictorum si dictus Bartholomeus postquain sic expulsus ext.i.tit ab eorum ordine ipsorum habitum in carceribus gestaret predictis, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus habitum ejusdem Bartholomei prefato procuratori vel dilecto filio guardiano fratrum ejusdem ordinis Carca.s.sone studeas quantocius a.s.signari. Datum Avenione decimo s.e.xto Kalendas Octobris, Pontificatus nostri anno quintodecimo (16 Sep. 1331).

V.

EXTRACTS FROM THE SENTENCE OF CECCO D'ASCOLI.

Senza nissuna opressione di forza per sua libera e spontanea volunta cost.i.tuito dinanzi a noi in giudizio disse e confess che mentre che fu citato e ricevuto per il religioso e reverendo Fr.

Lamberto del Cordiglio del Ordine de' Predicatori, inquisitore dell' eretica pravita della Provincia de Lombardia compa.r.s.e dinanzi a lui e confess in giudizio che elli aveva detto e dogmatizato publicamente, leggendo che un uomo poteva nascere sotto la Costellazione che necessariamente fosse rico o povere e d'esser decapitato o appiccato, se Iddio non muta.s.se l'ordine della natura, ne altrimenti potesse essere parlando della potenza di Dio ordinata, overo ordinario, benche per potenza a.s.soluta di Dio potesse essere altrimenti.

Ancora che aveva detto in una certa sua lezione che dal segno dell'

ottava sfera nascono homini felici di divinita, i quali si chiamo _dijnabet_, i quali mutano le leggi secondo piu o meno, come fu Moyse, Ermete Mello e Simone Mago.

Ancora che egli aveva detto e dogmatizato perche Cristo figliolo di Dio ebbe nella sua nascita la Libra nel decimo grado d' essa per ascendente, che per ci doveva essere giusta la sua morte per destin.a.z.ione, e doveva morire di quella morte e modo che mori, e perche Cristo ebbe il Capricorno nell' angolo della terra per nacque in una stalla, e perche ebbe lo Scorpione in secondo grado, per doveva esser povero, e perche l' istesso Cristo ebbe Mercurio in Gemmini in casa propria nella nona parte del cielo, per doveva avere scienza profonda data sotto metafora.

Ancora perche aveva detto che l' istesso Anticristo era per venire in forma di buon soldato et accompagnato n.o.bilmente, ne verra in forma di poltrone, como venne Cristo accompagnato da poltroni--

--Ancora disse e confess che doppo la predetta abiurazione e penitenza ... confess d' aver osservato le costellazioni de' corpi celesti e che secondo il corso della stel a crede che nascono i costumi degli huomini e azioni e fini e che secondo queste cose giudic nel comprare e vendere per argomentare il bene e schifare il male, et ancora nel fare essercizij et altre azzioni umane.

Ancora disse e confess che quando fu interrogato da un certo fiorentino rispose che credeva esser vere quelle cose che si contengono nell' arte magica o Negromantia, e replicando il medesimo fiorentino che se fosse vero i principi e potenti huomini nel mondo acquisterebbero tutto, rispose e disse che non s'acquistano perche non sono in tutto il mondo tre astrologi che sappiano servirsi bene di quell' arte, e questo disse aver detto per se medesimo perche fecce piu in quell' arte astrologica che alcun altro che fosse stato da Tolomeo in qua--

--p.r.o.nunciamo in questi scritti il predetto Maestro Cecco eretico a sentire questa sentenza, e cost.i.tuto in nostra presenza di essere ricaduto nella eresia abiurata e di essere stato rela.s.so, e per questo doversi rila.s.sare al giudizio secolare, e lo rilasiamo al n.o.bil soldato e cavaliere ill.u.s.trissimo signor Jacopo da Brescia Vicario fiorentino di questo ducato presente e recipiente, che lo debba punire con debita considerazione, e di piu che il suo libretto e scritto superstizioso pazzo e negromantico fatto dal detto Maestro sopra la sfera pieno di eresie falsita e ingane, et un cert' altro libretto volgare int.i.tolato Acerbo, il nome del quale esplica benissimo il fatto, avenga che non contenga in se maturita o dolcezza alcuna Cattolica, ma v' abbiamo trovato molte acerbita eretiche e princ.i.p.almente quando v' include che si appartengono alia virtu e costume che riduce ogni cosa alle stelle come in causa, e dannando i loro dogmi e dottrine e riprovandoli deliberiamo e comandiamo per sentenza doversi abbrucciare, et al eretico desiderando toglier la vena della fonte pestifera per qualsivoglia meato derivino--

--Il sopradetto Signor Vicario immediatamente e senza dilazione mandando per il capitano e sua famiglia il predetto Maestro Cecco al luogo della giustizia dinanzi ad una molt.i.tudine grande radunata di popolo in quel luoga, lo fece abbrucciare come richiedevano li suoi errori, sino alla morte sua penale, et a terrore et esempio di tutti gli altri, come riferiscono di aver visto con li proprij occhij Signor Vandi dal Borgo, Borghino di Maestro Chiarito dal Prato, Manovello di Jacopo, e Giovanni Serafino, familiari dell'

Uffizio andando all' istesso luogo, come in Firenze e publico e per evidenza del fatto manifesto.

VI.

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A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages Volume III Part 21 summary

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