The Chinese Classics Part 7

But was not insincerity a natural result of the un-religion of Confucius? There are certain virtues which demand a true piety in order to their flouris.h.i.+ng in the heart of man. Natural affection, the feeling of loyalty, and enlightened policy, may do much to build up and preserve a family and a state, but it requires more to maintain the love of truth, and make a lie, spoken or acted, to be shrunk from with shame. It requires in fact the living recognition of a G.o.d of truth, and all the sanctions of revealed religion. Unfortunately the Chinese have not had these, and the example of him to whom they bow down as the best and wisest of men, does not set them against dissimulation.

7. I go on to a brief discussion of Confucius's views on government, or what we may call his principles of political science. It [Sidebar] His views on government.

could not be in his long intercourse with his disciples but that he should enunciate many maxims bearing on character and morals generally, but he never rested in the improvement of the individual. 'The kingdom, the world, brought to a state of happy tranquillity [2],' was the grand object which he delighted to think of; that it might be brought about as easily as 'one can look upon the palm of his hand,' was the dream which it pleased him to indulge [3]. He held that there was in men an adaptation and readiness to be governed, which only needed to be taken advantage of in the proper way. There must be the right administrators, but given those, and 'the growth of government would be rapid, just as vegetation is rapid in the earth; yea, their 1 Isaiah iii. 12.

2 ???. See the ??, ?, pars. 4, 5; &c.

3 Ana. III. xi; et al.

government would display itself like an easily-growing rush [1].' The same sentiment was common from the lips of Mencius. Enforcing it one day, when conversing with one of the petty rulers of his time, he said in his peculiar style, 'Does your Majesty understand the way of the growing grain? During the seventh and eighth months, when drought prevails, the plants become dry. Then the clouds collect densely in the heavens; they send down torrents of rain, and the grain erects itself as if by a shoot. When it does so, who can keep it back [2]?' Such, he contended, would be the response of the ma.s.s of the people to any true 'shepherd of men.' It may be deemed unnecessary that I should specify this point, for it is a truth applicable to the people of all nations. Speaking generally, government is by no device or cunning craftiness; human nature demands it. But in no other family of mankind is the characteristic so largely developed as in the Chinese. The love of order and quiet, and a willingness to submit to 'the powers that be,' eminently distinguish them. Foreign writers have often taken notice of this, and have attributed it to the influence of Confucius's doctrines as inculcating subordination; but it existed previous to his time. The character of the people molded his system, more than it was molded by it.

This readiness to be governed arose, according to Confucius, from 'the duties of universal obligation, or those between sovereign and minister, between father and son, between husband and wife, between elder brother and younger, and those belonging to the intercourse of friends [3].' Men as they are born into the world, and grow up in it, find themselves existing in those relations. They are the appointment of Heaven. And each relation has its reciprocal obligations, the recognition of which is proper to the Heaven-conferred nature. It only needs that the sacredness of the relations be maintained, and the duties belonging to them faithfully discharged, and the 'happy tranquillity' will prevail all under heaven. As to the inst.i.tutions of government, the laws and arrangements by which, as through a thousand channels, it should go forth to carry plenty and prosperity through the length and breadth of the country, it did not belong to Confucius, 'the throneless king,' to set them forth minutely. And indeed they were existing in the records of 'the ancient sovereigns.' Nothing new was needed. It was only 1 ??, xx. 3.

2 Mencius, I. Pt. I. vi. 6.

3 ??, xx. 8.

requisite to pursue the old paths, and raise up the old standards. 'The government of Wan and Wu,' he said, 'is displayed in the records,-- the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there be the men, and the government will flourish; but without the men, the government decays and ceases [1].' To the same effect was the reply which he gave to Yen Hui when asked by him how the government of a State should be administered. It seems very wide of the mark, until we read it in the light of the sage's veneration for ancient ordinances, and his opinion of their sufficiency. 'Follow,' he said, 'the seasons of Hsia. Ride in the state carriages of Yin. Wear the ceremonial cap of Chau. Let the music be the Shao with its pantomimes. Banish the songs of Chang, and keep far from specious talkers [2].'

Confucius's idea then of a happy, well-governed State did not go beyond the flouris.h.i.+ng of the five relations of society which have been mentioned; and we have not any condensed exhibition from him of their nature, or of the duties belonging to the several parties in them. Of the two first he spoke frequently, but all that he has said on the others would go into small compa.s.s. Mencius has said that 'between father and son there should be affection; between sovereign and minister righteousness; between husband and wife attention to their separate functions; between old and young, a proper order; and between friends, fidelity [3].' Confucius, I apprehend, would hardly have accepted this account. It does not bring out sufficiently the authority which he claimed for the father and the sovereign, and the obedience which he exacted from the child and the minister. With regard to the relation of husband and wife, he was in no respect superior to the preceding sages who had enunciated their views of 'propriety' on the subject. We have a somewhat detailed exposition of his opinions in the 'Narratives of the School.'-- 'Man,' said he, 'is the representative of Heaven, and is supreme over all things. Woman yields obedience to the instructions of man, and helps to carry out his principles [4]. On this account she can determine nothing of herself, and is subject to the rule of the three obediences. When young, she must obey her father and elder brother; when married, she must obey her husband; 1 ??, xx. 2.

2 Ana. XV. x.

3 Mencius, III. Pt. I. iv. 8.

4 ???, ?????????; ???, ?????, ??????.

when her husband is dead, she must obey her son. She may not think of marrying a second time. No instructions or orders must issue from the harem. Woman's business is simply the preparation and supplying of drink and food. Beyond the threshold of her apartments she should not be known for evil or for good. She may not cross the boundaries of the State to attend a funeral. She may take no step on her own motion, and may come to no conclusion on her own deliberation. There are five women who are not to be taken in marriage:-- the daughter of a rebellious house; the daughter of a disorderly house; the daughter of a house which has produced criminals for more than one generation; the daughter of a leprous house; and the daughter who has lost her father and elder brother. A wife may be divorced for seven reasons, which, however, may be overruled by three considerations. The grounds for divorce are disobedience to her husband's parents; not giving birth to a son; dissolute conduct; jealousy-- (of her husband's attentions, that is, to the other inmates of his harem); talkativeness; and thieving. The three considerations which may overrule these grounds are-- first, if, while she was taken from a home, she has now no home to return to; second, if she have pa.s.sed with her husband through the three years' mourning for his parents; third, if the husband have become rich from being poor. All these regulations were adopted by the sages in harmony with the natures of man and woman, and to give importance to the ordinance of marriage [1].'

With these ideas of the relations of society, Confucius dwelt much on the necessity of personal correctness of character on the part of those in authority, in order to secure the right fulfillment of the duties implied in them. This is one grand peculiarity of his teaching. I have adverted to it in the review of 'The Great Learning,' but it deserves some further exhibition, and there are three conversations with the chief Chi K'ang in which it is very expressly set forth. 'Chi K'ang asked about government, and Confucius replied, "To govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct?"' 'Chi K'ang, distressed about the number of thieves in the State, inquired of Confucius about how to do away with them. Confucius said, "If you, sir, were not covetous, though you should reward them to do it, they would not steal."' 'Chi K'ang asked about government, 1 ????, ???

saying, "What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good of the principled?" Confucius replied, "Sir, in carrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the gra.s.s. The gra.s.s must bend, when the wind blows across it [1]."'

Example is not so powerful as Confucius in these and many other pa.s.sages represented it, but its influence is very great. Its virtue is recognised in the family, and it is demanded in the church of Christ. 'A bishop'-- and I quote the term with the simple meaning of overseer-- 'must be blameless.' It seems to me, however, that in the progress of society in the West we have come to think less of the power of example in many departments of state than we ought to do. It is thought of too little in the army and the navy. We laugh at the 'self-denying ordinance,' and the 'new model' of 1644, but there lay beneath them the principle which Confucius so broadly propounded,-- the importance of personal virtue in all who are in authority. Now that Great Britain is the governing power over the ma.s.ses of India and that we are coming more and more into contact with tens of thousands of the Chinese, this maxim of our sage is deserving of serious consideration from all who bear rule, and especially from those on whom devolves the conduct of affairs. His words on the susceptibility of the people to be acted on by those above them ought not to prove as water spilt on the ground.

But to return to Confucius.-- As he thus lays it down that the mainspring of the well-being of society is the personal character of the ruler, we look anxiously for what directions he has given for the cultivation of that. But here he is very defective. 'Self-adjustment and purification,' he said, 'with careful regulation of his dress, and the not making a movement contrary to the rules of propriety;-- this is the way for the ruler to cultivate his person [2].' This is laying too much stress on what is external; but even to attain to this is beyond una.s.sisted human strength. Confucius, however, never recognised a disturbance of the moral elements in the const.i.tution of man. The people would move, according to him, to the virtue of their ruler as the gra.s.s bends to the wind, and that virtue 1 Ana. XII. xvii; xviii; xix.

2 ??, xx. 14.

would come to the ruler at his call. Many were the lamentations which he uttered over the degeneracy of his times; frequent were the confessions which he made of his own shortcomings. It seems strange that it never came distinctly before him, that there is a power of evil in the prince and the peasant, which no efforts of their own and no instructions of sages are effectual to subdue.

The government which Confucius taught was a despotism, but of a modified character. He allowed no 'jus divinum,' independent of personal virtue and a benevolent rule. He has not explicitly stated, indeed, wherein lies the ground of the great relation of the governor and the governed, but his views on the subject were, we may a.s.sume, in accordance with the language of the Shu-ching:-- 'Heaven and Earth are the parents of all things, and of all things men are the most intelligent. The man among them most distinguished for intelligence becomes chief ruler, and ought to prove himself the parent of the people [1].' And again, 'Heaven, protecting the inferior people, has const.i.tuted for them rulers and teachers, who should be able to be a.s.sisting to G.o.d, extending favour and producing tranquillity throughout all parts of the kingdom [2].' The moment the ruler ceases to be a minister of G.o.d for good, and does not administer a government that is beneficial to the people, he forfeits the t.i.tle by which he holds the throne, and perseverance in oppression will surely lead to his overthrow. Mencius inculcated this principle with a frequency and boldness which are remarkable. It was one of the things about which Confucius did not like to talk. Still he held it. It is conspicuous in the last chapter of 'The Great Learning.' Its tendency has been to check the violence of oppression, and maintain the self-respect of the people, all along the course of Chinese history.

I must bring these observations on Confucius's views of government to a close, and I do so with two remarks. First, they are adapted to a primitive, unsophisticated state of society. He is a good counsellor for the father of a family, the chief of a clan, and even the head of a small princ.i.p.ality. But his views want the comprehension which would make them of much service in a great dominion. Within three centuries after his death,the government of China pa.s.sed into a new phase. The founder of the Ch'in dynasty conceived the grand idea of abolis.h.i.+ng all its feudal kingdoms, and centralizing their administration in himself. He effected the revo- l 2 See the Shu-ching, V. i. Sect. I. 2, 7.

lution, and succeeding dynasties adopted his system, and gradually molded it into the forms and proportions which are now existing. There has been a tendency to advance, and Confucius has all along been trying to carry the nation back. Principles have been needed, and not 'proprieties.' The consequence is that China has increased beyond its ancient dimensions, while there has been no corresponding development of thought. Its body politic has the size of a giant, while it still retains the mind of a child. Its h.o.a.ry age is in danger of becoming but senility.

Second, Confucius makes no provision for the intercourse of his country with other and independent nations. He knew indeed of none such. China was to him 'The Middle Kingdom [1],' 'The mult.i.tude of Great States [2],' 'All under heaven [3].' Beyond it were only rude and barbarous tribes. He does not speak of them bitterly, as many Chinese have done since his time. In one place he contrasts their condition favourably with the prevailing anarchy of the kingdom, saying 'The rude tribes of the east and north have their princes, and are not like the States of our great land which are without them [4].' Another time, disgusted with the want of appreciation which he experienced, he was expressing his intention to go and live among the nine wild tribes of the east. Some one said, 'They are rude. How can you do such a thing?' His reply was, 'If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would there be [5]?' But had he been a ruler-sage, he would not only have influenced them by his instructions, but brought them to acknowledge and submit to his sway, as the great Yu did [6]. The only pa.s.sage of Confucius's teachings from which any rule can be gathered for dealing with foreigners is that in the 'Doctrine of the Mean,' where 'indulgent treatment of men from a distance' is laid down as one of the nine standard rules for the government of the country [7]. But 'the men from a distance' are understood to be pin and lu [8] simply,-- 'guests,' that is, or officers of one State seeking employment in another, or at the royal court; and 'visitors,' or travelling merchants. Of independent nations the ancient cla.s.sics have not any knowledge, nor has Confucius. So long as merchants from Europe and other parts of the world could have been content to appear in China as suppliants, seeking the privilege of trade, so 1 ??.

2 ??; Ana. III. v.

3 ??; pa.s.sim.

4 Ana. III. v.

5 Ana. IX. xiii.

6 ??, III. ii. 10; et al.

7 ???.

8 ??.

long the government would have ranked them with the barbarous hordes of antiquity, and given them the benefit of the maxim about 'indulgent treatment,' according to its own understanding of it. But when their governments interfered, and claimed to treat with that of China on terms of equality, and that their subjects should be spoken to and of as being of the same clay with the Chinese themselves, an outrage was committed on tradition and prejudice, which it was necessary to resent with vehemence.

I do not charge the contemptuous arrogance of the Chinese government and people upon Confucius; what I deplore, is that he left no principles on record to check the development of such a spirit. His simple views of society and government were in a measure sufficient for the people while they dwelt apart from the rest of mankind. His practical lessons were better than if they had been left, which but for him they probably would have been, to fall a prey to the influences of Taoism and Buddhism, but they could only subsist while they were left alone. Of the earth earthy, China was sure to go to pieces when it came into collision with a Christianly-civilized power. Its sage had left it no preservative or restorative elements against such a case.

It is a rude awakening from its complacency of centuries which China has now received. Its ancient landmarks are swept away. Opinions will differ as to the justice or injustice of the grounds on which it has been a.s.sailed, and I do not feel called to judge or to p.r.o.nounce here concerning them. In the progress of events, it could hardly be but that the collision should come; and when it did come it could not be but that China should be broken and scattered. Disorganization will go on to destroy it more and more, and yet there is hope for the people, with their veneration for the relations of society, with their devotion to learning, and with their habits of industry and sobriety; there is hope for them, if they will look away from all their ancient sages, and turn to Him, who sends them, along with the dissolution of their ancient state, the knowledge of Himself, the only living and true G.o.d, and of Jesus Christ whom He hath sent.

8. I have little more to add on the opinions of Confucius. Many of his sayings are pithy, and display much knowledge of character; but as they are contained in the body of the Work, I will not occupy the s.p.a.ce here with a selection of those which have struck myself as most worthy of notice. The fourth Book of the a.n.a.lects, which is on the subject of zan, or perfect virtue, has several utterances which are remarkable.

Thornton observes:-- 'It may excite surprise, and probably incredulity, to state that the golden rule of our Saviour, 'Do unto others as you would that they should do unto you,' which Mr. Locke designates as 'the most unshaken rule of morality, and foundation of all social virtue,' had been inculcated by Confucius, almost in the same words, four centuries before [1].' I have taken notice of this fact in reviewing both 'The Great Learning' and 'The Doctrine of the Mean.' I would be far from grudging a tribute of admiration to Confucius for it. The maxim occurs also twice in the a.n.a.lects. In Book XV. xxiii, Tsze-kung asks if there be one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life, and is answered, 'Is not reciprocity such a word? What you do not want done to yourself do not do to others.' The same disciple appears in Book V. xi, telling Confucius that he was practising the lesson. He says, 'What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men;' but the master tells him, 'Tsze, you have not attained to that.' It would appear from this reply, that he was aware of the difficulty of obeying the precept ; and it is not found, in its condensed expression at least, in the older cla.s.sics. The merit of it is Confucius's own.

When a comparison, however, is drawn between it and the rule laid down by Christ, it is proper to call attention to the positive form of the latter, 'All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them.' The lesson of the gospel commands men to do what they feel to be right and good. It requires them to commence a course of such conduct, without regard to the conduct of others to themselves. The lesson of Confucius only forbids men to do what they feel to be wrong and hurtful. So far as the point of priority is concerned, moreover, Christ adds, 'This is the law and the prophets.' The maxim was to be found substantially in the earlier revelations of G.o.d. Still it must be allowed that Confucius was well aware of the importance of taking the initiative in discharging all the relations of society. See his words as quoted from 'The Doctrine of the Mean' on pages 48, 49 above. But the worth of the two maxims depends on the intention of the enunciators in regard to their application. Confucius, it seems to me, did not think of the reciprocity coming into action beyond the circle of his five relations of society. Possibly, he might have 1 History of China, vol. i. p. 209.

required its observance in dealings even with the rude tribes, which were the only specimens of mankind besides his own countrymen of which he knew anything, for on one occasion, when asked about perfect virtue, he replied, 'It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in the management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among the rude uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected [1].' Still Confucius delivered his rule to his countrymen only, and only for their guidance in their relations of which I have had so much occasion to speak. The rule of Christ is for man as man, having to do with other men, all with himself on the same platform, as the children and subjects of the one G.o.d and Father in heaven.

How far short Confucius came of the standard of Christian benevolence, may be seen from his remarks when asked what was to be thought of the principle that injury should be recompensed with kindness. He replied, 'With what then will you recompense kindness? Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness [2].' The same deliverance is given in one of the Books of the Li Chi, where he adds that 'he who recompenses injury with kindness is a man who is careful of his person [3].' Chang Hsuan, the commentator of the second century, says that such a course would be 'incorrect in point of propriety [4].' This 'propriety' was a great stumbling-block in the way of Confucius. His morality was the result of the balancings of his intellect, fettered by the decisions of men of old, and not the gus.h.i.+ngs of a loving heart, responsive to the promptings of Heaven, and in sympathy with erring and feeble humanity.

This subject leads me on to the last of the opinions of Confucius which I shall make the subject of remark in this place. A commentator observes, with reference to the inquiry about recompensing injury with kindness, that the questioner was asking only about trivial matters, which might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, while great offences, such as those against a sovereign or a father, could not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of justice [5]. In the second Book of the Li Chi there is the following pa.s.sage:-- 'With the slayer of his father, a man may not live under the same heaven; against the slayer of his brother, a man must never have to go home to fetch a weapon; with the slayer of 1 Ana. XIII. xix.

2 Ana. XIV. x.x.xvi.

3 ??, ??, par. 12.

4 ????.

5 See notes in loc., p. 288.

his friend, a man may not live in the same State [1].' The lex talionis is here laid down in its fullest extent. The Chau Li tells us of a provision made against the evil consequences of the principle, by the appointment of a minister called 'The Reconciler [2].' The provision is very inferior to the cities of refuge which were set apart by Moses for the manslayer to flee to from the fury of the avenger. Such as it was, however, it existed, and it is remarkable that Confucius, when consulted on the subject, took no notice of it, but affirmed the duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and most unrestricted terms. His disciple Tsze-hsia asked him, 'What course is to be pursued in the case of the murder of a father or mother?' He replied, 'The son must sleep upon a matting of gra.s.s, with his s.h.i.+eld for his pillow; he must decline to take office; he must not live under the same heaven with the slayer. When he meets him in the marketplace or the court, he must have his weapon ready to strike him.' 'And what is the course on the murder of a brother?' 'The surviving brother must not take office in the same State with the slayer; yet if he go on his prince's service to the State where the slayer is, though he meet him, he must not fight with him.' 'And what is the course on the murder of an uncle or a cousin?' 'In this case the nephew or cousin is not the princ.i.p.al. If the princ.i.p.al on whom the revenge devolves can take it, he has only to stand behind with his weapon in his hand, and support him [3].'

Sir John Davis has rightly called attention to this as one of the objectionable principles of Confucius [4]. The bad effects of it are evident even in the present day. Revenge is sweet to the Chinese. I have spoken of their readiness to submit to government, and wish to live in peace, yet they do not like to resign even to government the 'inquisition for blood.' Where the ruling authority is feeble, as it is at present, individuals and clans take the law into their own hands, and whole districts are kept in a state of constant feud and warfare.

But I must now leave the sage. I hope I have not done him injustice; the more I have studied his character and opinions, the more highly have I come to regard him. He was a very great man, and his influence has been on the whole a great benefit to the Chinese, while his teachings suggest important lessons to ourselves who profess to belong to the school of Christ.

1 ??, I. Sect. I. Pt. v. 10.

2 ??, ????, pp. 14-18.

3 ??, II. Sect. I. Pt. ii. 24. See also the ??, ??, ???.

4 The Chinese, vol. ii. p. 41.

SECTION III.

HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES.

Sze-ma Ch'ien makes Confucius say: 'The disciples who received my instructions, and could themselves comprehend them, were seventy-seven individuals. They were all scholars of extraordinary ability [1].' The common saying is, that the disciples of the sage were three thousand, while among them there were seventy-two worthies. I propose to give here a list of all those whose names have come down to us, as being his followers. Of the greater number it will be seen that we know nothing more than their names and surnames. My princ.i.p.al authorities will be the 'Historical Records,' the 'Narratives of the School,' 'The Sacrificial Canon for the Sage's Temple, with Plates,' and the chapter on 'The Disciples of Confucius' prefixed to the 'Four Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs and Ill.u.s.trations.' In giving a few notices of the better-known individuals, I will endeavour to avoid what may be gathered from the a.n.a.lects.

1. Yen Hui, by designation Tsze-yuan (??, ???). He was a native of Lu, the favourite of his master, whose junior he was by thirty years, and whose disciple he became when he was quite a youth. 'After I got Hui,' Confucius remarked, 'the disciples came closer to me.' We are told that once, when he found himself on the Nang hill with Hui, Tsze-lu, and Tsze- kung, Confucius asked them to tell him their different aims, and he would choose between them. Tsze-lu began, and when he had done, the master said, 'It marks your bravery.' Tsze-kung followed, on whose words the judgment was, 'They show your discriminating eloquence.' At last came Yen Yuan, who said, 'I should like to find an intelligent king and sage ruler whom I might a.s.sist. I would diffuse among the people instructions on the five great points, and lead them on by the rules of propriety and music, so that they should not care to fortify their cities by walls and moats, but would fuse their swords and spears into implements of agriculture. They should send forth their flocks without fear into the plains and forests. There should be no sunderings of families, no widows or widowers. For a thousand 1 ???, ?????, ?????, ??????.

years there would be no calamity of war. Yu would have no opportunity to display his bravery, or Ts'ze to display his oratory.' The master p.r.o.nounced, 'How admirable is this virtue!'

When Hui was twenty-nine, his hair was all white, and in three years more he died. He was sacrificed to, along with Confucius, by the first emperor of the Han dynasty. The t.i.tle which he now has in the sacrificial Canon,-- 'Continuator of the Sage,' was conferred in the ninth year of the emperor, or, to speak more correctly, of the period, Chia-ching, A. D. 1530. Almost all the present sacrificial t.i.tles of the worthies in the temple were fixed at that time. Hui's place is the first of the four a.s.sessors, on the east of the sage [1].

2. Min Sun, styled Tsze-ch'ien (??,???). He was a native of Lu, fifteen years younger than Confucius, according to Sze-ma Ch'ien, but fifty years younger, according to the 'Narratives of the School,' which latter authority is followed in 'The Annals of the Empire.' When he first came to Confucius, we are told, he had a starved look [2], which was by-and-by exchanged for one of fulness and satisfaction [3]. Tsze-kung asked him how the change had come about. He replied, 'I came from the midst of my reeds and sedges into the school of the master. He trained my mind to filial piety, and set before me the examples of the ancient kings. I felt a pleasure in his instructions; but when I went abroad, and saw the people in authority, with their umbrellas and banners, and all the pomp and circ.u.mstance of their trains, I also felt pleasure in that show. These two things a.s.saulted each other in 1 I have referred briefly, at p. 91, to the temples of Confucius. The princ.i.p.al hall, called ???, or 'Hall of the Great and Complete One,' is that in which is his own statue or the tablet of his spirit, having on each side of it, within a screen, the statues, or tablets, of his 'four a.s.sessors.' On the east and west, along the walls of the same apartment, are the two ?, the places of the ???, or 'twelve Wise Ones,' those of his disciples, who, next to the 'a.s.sessors,' are counted worthy of honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two ?, but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two ?, or side-galleries, which I have sometimes called the ranges of the outer court. In each there are sixty-four tablets of the disciples and other worthies, having the same t.i.tle as the Wise Ones, that of ??, or 'Ancient Worthy,' or the inferior t.i.tle of ??, 'Ancient Scholar.' Behind the princ.i.p.al hall is the ????, sacred to Confucius's ancestors, whose tablets are in the centre, fronting the south, like that of Confucius. On each side are likewise the tablets of certain 'ancient Worthies,' and 'ancient Scholars.'

2 ??.

3 ????.

my breast. I could not determine which to prefer, and so I wore that look of distress. But now the lessons of our master have penetrated deeply into my mind. My progress also has been helped by the example of you my fellow-disciples. I now know what I should follow and what I should avoid, and all the pomp of power is no more to me than the dust of the ground. It is on this account that I have that look of fulness and satisfaction.' Tsze- ch'ien was high in Confucius's esteem. He was distinguished for his purity and filial affection. His place in the temple is the first, east, among 'The Wise Ones,' immediately after the four a.s.sessors. He was first sacrificed to along with Confucius, as is to be understood of the other 'Wise Ones,' excepting in the case of Yu Zo, in the eighth year of the style K'ai-yuan of the sixth emperor of the T'ang dynasty, A.D. 720. His t.i.tle, the same as that of all but the a.s.sessors, is-- 'The ancient Worthy, the philosopher Min.'

3 . Zan Kang, styled Po-niu (??, ?? [al. ?] ?). He was a native of Lu, and Confucius's junior only by seven years. When Confucius became minister of Crime, he appointed Po-niu to the office, which he had himself formerly held, of commandant of Chung-tu. His tablet is now fourth among 'The Wise Ones,' on the west.

4. Zan Yung, styled Chung-kung (??, ???). He was of the same clan as Zan Kang, and twenty-nine years younger than Confucius. He had a bad father, but the master declared that was not to be counted to him, to detract from his admitted excellence. His place is among 'The Wise Ones,' the second, east.

5. Zan Ch'iu, styled Tsze-yu (??, ???). He was related to the two former, and of the same age as Chung-kung. He was noted among the disciples for his versatile ability and many acquirements. Tsze-kung said of him, 'Respectful to the old, and kind to the young; attentive to guests and visitors; fond of learning and skilled in many arts; diligent in his examination of things:-- these are what belong to Zan Ch'iu." It has been noted in the life of Confucius that it was by the influence of Tsze-yu that he was finally restored to Lu. He occupies the third place, west, among 'The Wise Ones.'

6. Chung Yu, styled Tsze-lu and Chi-lu (??, ???, ????). He was a native of P'ien (?) in Lu and only nine years younger than Confucius. At their first interview, the master asked him what he was fond of, and he replied, 'My long sword.' Confucius said, 'If to your present ability there were added the results of learning, you would be a very superior man.' 'Of what advantage would learning be to me?' asked Tsze-lu. 'There is a bamboo on the southern hill, which is straight itself without being bent. If you cut it down and use it, you can send it through a rhinoceros's hide;-- what is the use of learning?' 'Yes,' said the master; 'but if you feather it and point it with steel, will it not penetrate more deeply?' Tsze-lu bowed ' twice, and said, 'I will reverently receive your instructions.' Confucius was wont to say, 'From the time that I got Yu, bad words no more came to my ears.' For some time Tsze-lu was chief magistrate of the district of P'u (?), where his administration commanded the warm commendations of the master. He died finally in Wei, as has been related above, pp. 86, 87. His tablet is now the fourth, east, from those of the a.s.sessors.

7. Tsai Yu styled Tsze-wo (??, ???). He was a native of Lu, but nothing is mentioned of his age. He had 'a sharp mouth,' according to Sze- ma Ch'ien. Once, when he was at the court of Ch'u on some commission, the king Chao offered him an easy carriage adorned with ivory for his master. Yu replied, 'My master is a man who would rejoice in a government where right principles were carried out, and can find his joy in himself when that is not the case. Now right principles and virtue are as it were in a state of slumber. His wish is to rouse and put them in motion. Could he find a prince really anxious to rule according to them, he would walk on foot to his court and be glad to do so. Why need he receive such a valuable gift, as this from so great a distance?' Confucius commended this reply; but where he is mentioned in the a.n.a.lects, Tsze-wo does not appear to great advantage. He took service in the State of Ch'i, and was chief magistrate of Lin-tsze, where he joined with T'ien Ch'ang in some disorderly movement [1], which led to the destruction of his kindred, and made Confucius ashamed of him. His tablet is now the second, west, among 'The Wise Ones.'

8. Twan-mu Ts'ze, styled Tsze-kung (???, ??? [al. ??]), whose place is now third, east, from the a.s.sessors. He 1 ?????. See Sze-ma Ch'ien's Biographies, chap. 7, though come have doubted the genuineness of this part of the notice of Tsze-wo.

was a native of Wei (?), and thirty-one years younger than Confucius. He had great quickness of natural ability, and appears in the a.n.a.lects as one of the most forward talkers among the disciples. Confucius used to say, 'From the time that I got Ts'ze, scholars from a distance came daily resorting to me.' Several instances of the language which he used to express his admiration of the master have been given in the last section. Here is another:-- The duke Ching of Ch'i asked Tsze-kung how Chung-ni was to be ranked as a sage. 'I do not know,' was the reply. 'I have all my life had the heaven over my head, but I do not know its height, and the earth under my feet, but I do not know its thickness. In my serving of Confucius, I am like a thirsty man who goes with his pitcher to the river, and there he drinks his fill, without knowing the river's depth.' He took leave of Confucius to become commandant of Hsin-yang (???), when the master said to him, 'In dealing with your subordinates, there is nothing like impartiality; and when wealth comes in your way, there is nothing like moderation. Hold fast these two things, and do not swerve from them. To conceal men's excellence is to obscure the worthy; and to proclaim people's wickedness is the part of a mean man. To speak evil of those whom you have not sought the opportunity to instruct is not the way of friends.h.i.+p and harmony.' Subsequently Tsze-kung was high in office both in Lu and Wei, and finally died in Ch'i. We saw how he was in attendance on Confucius at the time of the sage's death. Many of the disciples built huts near the master's grave, and mourned for him three years, but Tsze-kung remained sorrowing alone for three years more.

9. Yen Yen, styled Tsze-yu (??, ???), now the fourth in the western range of 'The Wise Ones.' He was a native of Wu (?), forty-five years younger than Confucius, and distinguished for his literary acquirements. Being made commandant of Wu-ch'ang, he transformed the character of the people by 'proprieties' and music, and was praised by the master. After the death of Confucius, Chi K'ang asked Yen how that event had made no sensation like that which was made by the death of Tsze-ch'an, when the men laid aside their bowstring rings and girdle ornaments, and the women laid aside their pearls and ear-rings, and the voice of weeping was heard in the lanes for three months. Yen replied, 'The influences of Tsze- ch'an and my master might be compared to those of overflowing water and the fattening rain. Wherever the water in its overflow reaches, men take knowledge of it, while the fattening rain falls un.o.bserved.'

10. Pu Shang, styled Tsze-hsia (??, ???). It is not certain to what State he belonged, his birth being a.s.signed to Wei (?), to Wei (?), and to Wan (?). He was forty-five years younger than Confucius, and lived to a great age, for we find him, B.C. 406, at the court of the prince Wan of Wei ( ?), to whom he gave copies of some of the cla.s.sical Books. He is represented as a scholar extensively read and exact, but without great comprehension of mind. What is called Mao's s.h.i.+h-ching (??) is said to contain the views of Tsze-hsia. Kung-yang Kao and Ku-liang Ch'ih are also said to have studied the Ch'un Ch'iu with him. On the occasion of the death of his son he wept himself blind. His place is the fifth, east, among 'The Wise Ones.'

11. Chwan-sun s.h.i.+h, styled Tsze-chang (???, ???), has his tablet, corresponding to that of the preceding, on the west. He was a native of Ch'an (?), and forty-eight years younger than Confucius. Tsze-kung said, 'Not to boast of his admirable merit; not to signify joy on account of n.o.ble station; neither insolent nor indolent; showing no pride to the dependent:-- these are the characteristics of Chwan-sun s.h.i.+h.' When he was sick, he called (his son) Shan-hsiang to him, and said, 'We speak of his end in the case of a superior man, and of his death in the case of a mean man. May I think that it is going to be the former with me to-day?'

12. Tsang Shan [or Ts'an] styled Tsze-yu (??, ??? [al. ??]). He was a native of south Wu-ch'ang, and forty-six years younger than Confucius. In his sixteenth year he was sent by his father into Ch'u, where Confucius then was, to learn under the sage. Excepting perhaps Yen Hui, there is not a name of greater note in the Confucian school. Tsze-kung said of him, 'There is no subject which he has not studied. His appearance is respectful. His virtue is solid. His words command credence. Before great men he draws himself up in the pride of self-respect. His eyebrows are those of longevity.' He was noted for his filial piety, and after the death of his parents, he could not read the rites of mourning without being led to think of them, and moved to tears. He was a voluminous writer. Ten Books of his composition are said to be contained in the 'Rites of the elder Tai'

(???). The Cla.s.sic of Filial Piety he is said to have made under the eye of Confucius. On his connexion with 'The Great Learning,' see above, Ch. III. Sect. II. He was first a.s.sociated with the sacrifices to Confucius in A.D. 668, but in 1267 he was advanced to be one of the sage's four a.s.sessors. His t.i.tle-- 'Exhibitor of the Fundamental Principles of the Sage,' dates from the period of Chia-ching, as mentioned in speaking of Yen Hui.

13. Tan-t'ai Mieh-ming, styled Tsze-yu (????, ???). He was a native of Wu-ch'ang, thirty-nine years younger than Confucius, according to the 'Historical Records,' but forty-nine, according to the 'Narratives of the School.' He was excessively ugly, and Confucius thought meanly of his talents in consequence, on his first application to him. After completing his studies, he travelled to the south as far as the Yang-tsze. Traces of his presence in that part of the country are still pointed out in the department of Su-chau. He was followed by about three hundred disciples, to whom he laid down rules for their guidance in their intercourse with the princes. When Confucius heard of his success, he confessed how he had been led by his bad looks to misjudge him. He, with nearly all the disciples whose names follow, first had a place a.s.signed to him in the sacrifices to Confucius in A.D. 739. The place of his tablet is the second, east, in the outer court, beyond that of the 'a.s.sessors' and 'Wise Ones.'

14. Corresponding to the preceding, on the west, is the tablet of Fu Pu-ch'i styled Tsze-tsien (? [al. ? and ?, all = ?] ??, ???). He was a native of Lu, and, according to different accounts, thirty, forty, and forty-nine years younger than Confucius. He was commandant of Tan-fu ( ???), and hardly needed to put forth any personal effort. Wu-ma Ch'i had been in the same office, and had succeeded by dint of the greatest industry and toil. He asked Pu-ch'i how he managed so easily for himself, and was answered, 'I employ men; you employ men's strength.' People p.r.o.nounced Fu to be a superior man. He was also a writer, and his works are mentioned in Liu Hsin's Catalogue.

15. Next to that of Mieh-ming is the tablet of Yuan Hsien, styled Tsze- sze (??, ???) a native of Sung or according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu, and younger than Confucius by thirty-six years. He was noted for his purity and modesty, and for his happiness in the principles of the master amid deep poverty. After the death of Confucius, he lived in obscurity in Wei. In the notes to Ana. VI. iii, I have referred to an interview which he had with Tsze-kung.

16. Kung-ye Ch'ang [al. Chih], styled Tsze-ch'ang [al. Tsze- chih], (??? [al. ?], ??? [al. ??]), has his tablet next to that of Pu-ch'i. He was son-in-law to Confucius. His nativity is a.s.signed both to Lu and to Ch'i.

17. Nan-kung Kwo, styled Tsze-yung (??? [al. ? and, in the 'Narratives of the School,' ? (T'ao)], ???), has the place at the east next to Yuan Hsien. It is a question much debated whether he was the same with Nan-kung Chang-shu, who accompanied Confucius to the court of Chau, or not. On occasion of a fire breaking out in the palace of duke Ai, while others were intent on securing the contents of the Treasury, Nan-kung directed his efforts to save the Library, and to him was owing the preservation of the copy of the Chau Li which was in Lu, and other ancient monuments.

18. Kung-hsi Ai, styled Chi-ts'ze [al. Chi-ch'an] (???, ??? [al. ??]). His tablet follows that of Kung-ye. He was a native of Lu, or of Ch'i. Confucius commended him for refusing to take office with any of the Families which were encroaching on the authority of the princes of the States, and for choosing to endure the severest poverty rather than sacrifice a t.i.ttle of his principles.

19. Tsang Tien, styled Hsi (??[al. ?], ??). .He was the father of Tsang Shan. His place in the temples is the hall to Confucius's ancestors, where his tablet is the first, west.

20. Yen Wu-yao, styled Lu (???, ??). He was the father of Yen Hui, younger than Confucius by six years. His sacrificial place is the first, east, in the same hall as the last.

21. Following the tablet of Nan-kung Kwo is that of Shang Chu, styled Tsze-mu (??, ???). To him, it is said, we are indebted for the preservation of the Yi-ching, which he received from Confucius. Its transmission step by step, from Chu down to the Han dynasty, is minutely set forth.

22. Next to Kung-hsi Ai is the place of Kao Ch'ai, styled Tsze-kao and Chi-kao (??, ??? [al. ??; for ? moreover, we find ?, and ?]), a native of Ch'i, according to the 'Narratives of the School,' but of Wei, according to Sze-ma Ch'ien and Chang Hsuan. He was thirty (some say forty) years younger than Confucius, dwarfish and ugly, but of great worth and ability. At one time he was criminal judge of Wei, and in the execution of his office condemned a prisoner to lose his feet. Afterwards that same man saved his life, when he was flying from the State. Confucius praised Ch'ai for being able to administer stern justice with such a spirit of benevolence as to disarm resentment.

23. Shang Chu is followed by Ch'i-tiao K'ai [prop. Ch'i], styled Tsze-k'ai, Tsze-zo, and Tsze-hsiu (??? [pr. ?], ???, ??, and ???), a native of Ts'ai (?), or according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu. We only know him as a reader of the Shu-ching, and refusing to go into office.

24. Kung-po Liao, styled Tsze-chau (???, ???). He appears in the a.n.a.lects, XIV. x.x.xiii, slandering Tsze-lu. It is doubtful whether he should have a place among the disciples.

25. Sze-ma Kang, styled Tsze-niu (???, ???), follows Ch'i-tiao K'ai; also styled ??. He was a great talker, a native of Sung, and a brother of Hwan T'ui, to escape from whom seems to have been the labour of his life.

26. The place next Kao Ch'ai is occupied by Fan Hsu, styled Tsze-ch'ih (? ?, ???), a native of Ch'i, or, according to others, of Lu, and whose age is given as thirty-six and forty-six years younger than Confucius. When young, he distinguished himself in a military command under the Chi family.

27. Yu Zo, styled Tsze-zo (??, ???). He was a native of Lu, and his age is stated very variously. He was noted among the disciples for his great memory and fondness for antiquity. After the death of Confucius, the rest of the disciples, because of some likeness in Zo's speech to the Master, wished to render the same observances to him which they had done to Confucius, but on Tsang Shan's demurring to the thing, they abandoned the purpose. The tablet of Tsze-zo is now the sixth, east among 'The Wise Ones,' to which place it was promoted in the third year of Ch'ien-lung of the present dynasty. This was done in compliance with a memorial from the president of one of the Boards, who said he was moved by a dream to make the request. We may suppose that his real motives were a wish to do Justice to the merits of Tsze-zo, and to restore the symmetry of the tablets in the 'Hall of the Great and Complete One,' which had been disturbed by the introduction of the tablet of Chu Hsi in the preceding reign.

28. Kung-hsi Ch'ih, styled Tsze-hwa (???, ???), a native of Lu, younger than Confucius by forty-two years, whose place is the fourth, west, in the outer court. He was noted for his knowledge of ceremonies, and the other disciples devolved on him all the arrangements about the funeral of the Master.

29. Wu-ma s.h.i.+h [or Ch'i], styled Tsze-Ch'i (??? [al. ?], ??? [al. ??]), a native of Ch'an, or, according to Chang Hsuan, of Lu, thirty years younger than Confucius. His tablet is on the east, next to that of Sze-ma Kang. It is related that on one occasion, when Confucius was about to set out with a company of the disciples on a walk or journey, he told them to take umbrellas. They met with a heavy shower, and Wu-ma asked him, saying, 'There were no clouds in the morning; but after the sun had risen, you told us to take umbrellas. How did you know that it would rain?' Confucius said, 'The moon last evening was in the constellation Pi, and is it not said in the s.h.i.+h-ching, "When the moon is in Pi, there will be heavy rain?" It was thus I knew it.'

30. Liang Chan [al. Li], styled Shu-yu (?? [al. ?] ???), occupies the eighth place, west, among the tablets of the outer court. He was a man of Ch'i, and his age is stated as twenty-nine and thirty-nine years younger than Confucius. The following story is told in connexion with him.-- When he was thirty, being disappointed that he had no son, he was minded to put away his wife. 'Do not do so,' said Shang Chu to him. 'I was thirty-eight before I had a son, and my mother was then about to take another wife for me, when the Master proposed sending me to Ch'i. My mother was unwilling that I should go, but Confucius said, 'Don't be anxious. Chu will have five sons after he is forty.' It has turned out so, and I apprehend it is your fault, and not your wife's, that you have no son yet.' Chan took this advice, and in the second year after, he had a son.

31. Yen Hsing [al. Hsin, Liu, and Wei], styled Tsze-liu (?? [al. ?, ?, and ?], ???), occupies the place, east, after Wu-ma s.h.i.+h. He was a native of Lu, and forty-six years younger than Confucius.

32. Liang Chan is followed on the west by Zan Zu, styled Tsze-lu [al. Tsze-tsang and Tsze-yu] (?? [al. ?] ?*?? [al. ??

* Digitizer's note: This is ? in the source text; I have corrected what is an obvious misprint.

and ??]), a native of Lu, and fifty years younger than Confucius.

33. Yen Hsing is followed on the east by Ts'ao Hsu, styled Tsze-hsun (? ?, ???), a native of Ts'ai, fifty years younger than Confucius.

34. Next on the west is Po Ch'ien, styled Tsze-hsi, or, in the current copies of the 'Narratives of the School,' Tsze-ch'iai (??, ??? [al. ? ?] or ??), a native of Lu, fifty years younger than Confucius.

35. Following Tsze-hsun is Kung-sun Lung [al. Ch'ung] styled Tsze- s.h.i.+h (??? [al. ?], ???), whose birth is a.s.signed by different writers to Wei, Ch'u, and Chao (?). He was fifty-three years younger than Confucius. We have the following account:-- 'Tsze-kung asked Tsze-s.h.i.+h, saying, "Have you not learned the Book of' Poetry?" Tsze-s.h.i.+h replied, "What leisure have I to do so? My parents require me to be filial; my brothers require me to be submissive; and my friends require me to be sincere. What leisure have I for anything else?" "Come to my Master," said Tsze-kung, "and learn of him."'

Sze-ma Ch'ien here observes: 'Of the thirty-five disciples which precede, we have some details. Their age and other particulars are found in the Books and Records. It is not so, however, in regard to the fifty-two which follow.'