The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada Part 17

[Footnote 29: Gallatin places the final subjection of the Lenape at about the year 1750--a printer's error for 1650.--Synopsis, 48.]

[Footnote 30: Nouvelle France, I. 196.]

[Footnote 31: William Henry Harrison, Discourse on the Aborigines of the Ohio. See Ohio Hist. Trans. Part Second, I. 257.]

[Footnote 32: "Here y^{e} Indyans were very desirous to see us ride our horses, w^{ch} wee did: they made great feasts and dancing, and invited us y^{t} when all y^{e} maides were together, both wee and our Indyans might choose such as lyked us to ly with."--Greenhalgh, Journal.]

[Footnote 33: The Lenape, on their part, call the other Algonquin tribes Children, Grandchildren, Nephews, or Younger Brothers; but they confess the superiority of the Wyandots and the Five Nations, by yielding them the t.i.tle of Uncles. They, in return, call the Lenape Nephews, or more frequently Cousins.]

[Footnote 34: Loskiel, Part I. 130.]

[Footnote 35: The story told by the Lenape themselves, and recorded with the utmost good faith by Loskiel and Heckewelder, that the Five Nations had not conquered them, but, by a cunning artifice, had cheated them into subjection, is wholly unworthy of credit. It is not to be believed that a people so acute and suspicious could be the dupes of so palpable a trick; and it is equally incredible that a high-spirited tribe could be induced, by the most persuasive rhetoric, to a.s.sume the name of Women, which in Indian eyes is the last confession of abject abas.e.m.e.nt.]

[Footnote 36: Heckewelder, Hist. Ind. Nat. 53.]

[Footnote 37: The evidence concerning the movements of the Shawanoes is well summed up by Gallatin, Synopsis, 65. See also Drake, Life of Tec.u.mseh, 10.]

[Footnote 38: Father Rasles, 1723, says that there were eleven. Marest, in 1712, found only three.]

[Footnote 39: Morse, Report, Appendix, 141.]

[Footnote 40: See Tanner, Long, and Henry. A comparison of Tanner with the accounts of the Jesuit Le Jeune will show that Algonquin life in Lower Canada, two hundred years ago, was essentially the same with Algonquin life on the Upper Lakes within the last half century.]

[Footnote 41: For Algonquin legends, see Schoolcraft, in Algic Researches and Oneota. Le Jeune early discovered these legends among the tribes of his mission. Two centuries ago, among the Algonquins of Lower Canada, a tale was related to him, which, in its princ.i.p.al incidents, is identical with the story of the "Boy who set a Snare for the Sun," recently found by Mr. Schoolcraft among the tribes of the Upper Lakes. Compare Relation, 1637, p. 172, and Oneota, p. 75. The coincidence affords a curious proof of the antiquity and wide diffusion of some of these tales.

The Dacotah, as well as the Algonquins, believe that the thunder is produced by a bird. A beautiful ill.u.s.tration of this idea will be found in Mrs. Eastman's Legends of the Sioux. An Indian propounded to Le Jeune a doctrine of his own. According to his theory, the thunder is produced by the eructations of a monstrous giant, who had unfortunately swallowed a quant.i.ty of snakes; and the latter falling to the earth, caused the appearance of lightning. "Voila une philosophie bien nouvelle!" exclaims the astonished Jesuit.]

[Footnote 42: Le Jeune, Schoolcraft, James, Jarvis, Charlevoix, Sagard, Brebeuf, Mercier, Vimont, Lallemant, Lafitau, De Smet, &c.]

[Footnote 43: Raynal. Hist. Indies, VII. 87 (Lond. 1783).

Charlevoix, Voyages, Letter X.

The Swedish traveller Kalm gives an interesting account of manners in Canada, about the middle of the eighteenth century. For the feudal tenure as existing in Canada, see Bouchette, I. Chap. XIV (Lond. 1831), and Garneau, Hist. Canada, Book III. Chap. III.]

[Footnote 44: Charlevoix, Nouv. France, I. 197.]

[Footnote 45: Charlevoix, I. 198.]

[Footnote 46: A. D. 1635. Relation des Hurons, 1636, p. 2.]

[Footnote 47: "Vivre en la Nouvelle France c'est a vray dire vivre dans le sein de Dieu." Such are the extravagant words of Le Jeune, in his report of the year 1635.]

[Footnote 48: See Jesuit Relations and Lettres Edifiantes; also, Charlevoix, pa.s.sim; Garneau, Hist. Canada, Book IV. Chap. II.; and Bancroft, Hist. U. S. Chap. XX.]

[Footnote 49: Charlevoix, I. 292.]

[Footnote 50: Ibid. 238-276.]

[Footnote 51: For remarks on the futility of Jesuit missionary efforts, see Halkett, Historical Notes, Chap. IV.]

[Footnote 52: Picquet was a priest of St. Sulpice. For a sketch of his life, see Lett. Edif. XIV.]

[Footnote 53: For an account of Priber, see Adair, 240. I have seen mention of this man in contemporary provincial newspapers, where he is sometimes spoken of as a disguised Jesuit. He took up his residence among the Cherokees about the year 1736, and labored to gain them over to the French interest.]

[Footnote 54: Sparks, Life of La Salle, 21.]

[Footnote 55: Hennepin, New Discovery, 98 (Lond. 1698.)]

[Footnote 56: Proces Verbal, in appendix to Sparks's La Salle.]

[Footnote 57: Du Pratz, Hist. Louisiana, 5. Charlevoix, II. 259.]

[Footnote 58: Smith, Hist. Canada, I. 208.]

[Footnote 59: Champlain, Voyages, 136 (Paris, 1632) Charlevoix, I, 142.]

[Footnote 60: Vimont, Colden, Charlevoix, pa.s.sim.]

[Footnote 61: Vimont seems to believe the story--Rel. de la N. F. 1640, 195.]

[Footnote 62: Charlevoix, I. 549.]

[Footnote 63: A. D. 1654-1658.--Doc. Hist. N. Y. I. 47.]

[Footnote 64: Official Papers of the Expedition.--Doc. Hist. N. Y. I. 323.]

[Footnote 65: Doc. Hist. N. Y. I. 446.]

[Footnote 66: La Hontan, Voyages, I. 74. Colden, Memorial on the Fur-Trade.]

[Footnote 67: Doc. Hist. N. Y. I. 444.]

[Footnote 68: Smith, Hist. Canada, I. 214.]

[Footnote 69: Precis des Faits, 89.]

[Footnote 70: Smith, Hist. N. Y. pa.s.sim.]

[Footnote 71: Rev. Military Operations, Ma.s.s. Hist. Coll. 1st Series, VII. 67.]

[Footnote 72: Colden, Hist. Five Nat. 161.]

[Footnote 73: MS. Papers of Cadwallader Colden. MS. Papers of Sir William Johnson.

"We find the Indians, as far back as the very confused ma.n.u.script records in my possession, repeatedly upbraiding this province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of a.s.sisting them at a time when it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported by many nations; and this is likewise confessed by the writings of the managers of these times."--MS. Letter--Johnson to the Board of Trade, May 24, 1765.]

[Footnote 74: "I apprehend it will clearly appear to you, that the colonies had all along neglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken notion have greatly despised them, without considering that it is in their power to lay waste and destroy the frontiers. This opinion arose from our confidence in our scattered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, who, from an error in politics, would not expend five pounds to save twenty."--MS. Letter--Johnson to the Board of Trade, November 13, 1763.]

[Footnote 75: Adair, Post's Journals. Croghan's Journal, MSS. of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 76: La Hontan, I. 177. Potherie, Hist. Am. Sept. II. 298 (Paris, 1722).

These facts afford no ground for national reflections, when it is recollected that while Iroquois prisoners were tortured in the wilds of Canada, Elizabeth Gaunt was burned to death at Tyburn for yielding to the dictates of compa.s.sion, and giving shelter to a political offender.]

[Footnote 77: Le Jeune, Rel. de la N. F. 1636, 193.]

[Footnote 78: "I have exactly followed the Bishop of London's counsel, by buying, and not taking away, the natives' land."--Penn's Letter to the Ministry, Aug. 14, 1683. See Chalmer's Polit. Ann. 666.]

[Footnote 79: "If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor to purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion."--Instructions to Endicot, 1629. See Hazard, State Papers, I. 263.

"The inhabitants of New England had never, except in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a t.i.tle from the Indians."--Bancroft, Hist. U. S. II. 98.]

[Footnote 80: He paid twice for his lands; once to the Iroquois, who claimed them by right of conquest, and once to their occupants, the Delawares.]

[Footnote 81: 1755-1763. The feelings of the Quakers at this time may be gathered from the following sources: MS. Account of the Rise and Progress of the Friendly a.s.sociation for gaining and preserving Peace with the Indians by pacific Measures. Address of the Friendly a.s.sociation to Governor Denny. See Proud, Hist. Pa., appendix. Haz., Pa. Reg. VIII. 273, 293, 323. But a much livelier picture of the prevailing excitement will be found in a series of party pamphlets, published at Philadelphia in the year 1764.]

[Footnote 82: Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest, 33, 68, (Lond. 1759). This work is a pamphlet written by Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of Congress, and designed to explain the causes of the rupture which took place at the outbreak of the French war. The text is supported by copious references to treaties and doc.u.ments. I have seen a copy in the possession of Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia, containing marginal notes in the handwriting of James Hamilton, who was twice governor of the province under the proprietary instructions. In these notes, though he cavils at several unimportant points of the relation, he suffers the essential matter to pa.s.s unchallenged.]

[Footnote 83: Witham Marshe's Journal.]

[Footnote 84: Onas was the name given by the Indians to William Penn and his successors.]

[Footnote 85: Minutes of Indian council held at Philadelphia, 1742.]

[Footnote 86: Chapman, Hist. Wyoming, 19.]

[Footnote 87: Colonial Records, III. 340.]

[Footnote 88: Letter of Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, Jan. 25, 1720. See Colonial Records of Pa. III. 75.]

[Footnote 89: Minutes of Indian Council, 1746.]

[Footnote 90: Doc. Hist. N. Y. I. 423.]

[Footnote 91: MS. Letter--Colden to Lord Halifax, no date.]

[Footnote 92: Allen, Am. Biog. Dict. and authorities there referred to. Campbell, Annals of Tryon County, appendix. Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 398. Papers relating to Sir W. Johnson. See Doc. Hist. New York, II. MS. Papers of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 93: Garneau, Book VIII. Chap. III.]

[Footnote 94: Holmes, Annals, II. 183. Memoire contenant Le Precis des Faits, Pieces Justificatives, Part I.]

[Footnote 95: Smollett, III. 370 (Edinburgh, 1805).]

[Footnote 96: Sparks's Life and Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton, II. 478. Gist's Journal.]

[Footnote 97: Olden Time, II. 9, 10. This excellent antiquarian publication contains doc.u.ments relating to this period which are not to be found elsewhere.]

[Footnote 98: "He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. They told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G--d they would do it; for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto."--Was.h.i.+ngton, Journal.]

[Footnote 99: Sparks, Life and Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton, II. 6.]

[Footnote 100: Sparks, II. 447. The conduct of Was.h.i.+ngton in this affair is regarded by French writers as a stain on his memory.]

[Footnote 101: For the French account of these operations, see Memoire contenant le Precis des Faits. This volume, an official publication of the French court, contains numerous doc.u.ments, among which are the papers of the unfortunate Braddock, left on the field of battle by his defeated army.]

[Footnote 102: First Journal of C. F. Post.]

[Footnote 103: Letters of Robert Stobo, an English hostage at Fort du Quesne.

"Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the fort [du Quesne] by himself, and counselled with the governor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, s.h.i.+rts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, 'See here, you fools, what the French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never received a farthing,' and (directing himself to me) said, 'The English are fools, and so are you.'"--Post, First Journal.

Was.h.i.+ngton, while at Fort Le B[oe]uf, was much annoyed by the conduct of the French, who did their utmost to seduce his Indian escort by bribes and promises.]

[Footnote 104: Trumbull, Hist. Conn. II. 355. Holmes, Annals, II. 201.]

[Footnote 105: At this council an Iroquois sachem upbraided the English, with great boldness, for their neglect of the Indians, their invasion of their lands, and their dilatory conduct with regard to the French, who, as the speaker averred, had behaved like men and warriors.--Minutes of Conferences at Albany, 1754.]

[Footnote 106: Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest, 77.]

[Footnote 107: Garneau, II. 551. Gent. Mag. XXV. 330.]

[Footnote 108: Smollett, III. 436.

"The French inveighed against the capture of their s.h.i.+ps, before any declaration of war, as flagrant acts of piracy; and some neutral powers of Europe seemed to consider them in the same point of view. It was certainly high time to check the insolence of the French by force of arms; and surely this might have been as effectually and expeditiously exerted under the usual sanction of a formal declaration, the omission of which exposed the administration to the censure of our neighbors, and fixed the imputation of fraud and freebooting on the beginning of the war."--Smollett, III. 481. See also Mahon, Hist. England, IV. 72.]

[Footnote 109: Instructions of General Braddock. See Precis des Faits, 160, 168.]

[Footnote 110: The following is Horace Walpole's testimony, and writers of better authority have expressed themselves, with less liveliness and piquancy, to the same effect:-- "Braddock is a very Iroquois in disposition. He had a sister, who, having gamed away all her little fortune at Bath, hanged herself with a truly English deliberation, leaving only a note upon the table with those lines, 'To die is landing on some silent sh.o.r.e,' &c. When Braddock was told of it, he only said, 'Poor f.a.n.n.y! I always thought she would play till she would be forced to tuck herself up.'"

Here follows a curious anecdote of Braddock's meanness and profligacy, which I omit. The next is more to his credit. "He once had a duel with Colonel Gumley, Lady Bath's brother, who had been his great friend. As they were going to engage, Gumley, who had good humor and wit (Braddock had the latter), said, 'Braddock, you are a poor dog! Here, take my purse. If you kill me, you will be forced to run away, and then you will not have a s.h.i.+lling to support you.' Braddock refused the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and would not even ask his life. However, with all his brutality, he has lately been governor of Gibraltar, where he made himself adored, and where scarce any governor was endured before."--Letters to Sir H. Mann, CCLXV. CCLXVI.

Was.h.i.+ngton's opinion of Braddock may be gathered from his Writings, II. 77.]

[Footnote 111: MS. Diary of the Expedition, in the British Museum.]

[Footnote 112: Sparks's Life and Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton, II. 473. I am indebted to the kindness of President Sparks for copies of several French ma.n.u.scripts, which throw much light on the incidents of the battle. These ma.n.u.scripts are alluded to in the Life and Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton.]

[Footnote 113: Smith's Narrative. This interesting account has been several times published. It may be found in Drake's Tragedies of the Wilderness.]

[Footnote 114: "Went to Lorette, an Indian village about eight miles from Quebec. Saw the Indians at ma.s.s, and heard them sing psalms tolerably well--a dance. Got well acquainted with Athanase, who was commander of the Indians who defeated General Braddock, in 1755--a very sensible fellow."--MS. Journal of an English Gentleman on a Tour through Canada, in 1765.]

[Footnote 115: "My feelings were heightened by the warm and glowing narration of that day's events, by Dr. Walker, who was an eye-witness. He pointed out the ford where the army crossed the Monongahela (below Turtle Creek, 800 yards). A finer sight could not have been beheld,--the s.h.i.+ning barrels of the muskets, the excellent order of the men, the cleanliness of their appearance, the joy depicted on every face at being so near Fort du Quesne--the highest object of their wishes. The music re-echoed through the hills. How brilliant the morning--how melancholy the evening!"--Letter of Judge Yeates, dated August, 1776. See Haz., Pa. Reg., VI. 104.]

[Footnote 116: Letter--Captain Orme, his aide-de-camp, to ----, July 18.]

[Footnote 117: Sparks, I. 67.]