The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada Part 18

[Footnote 118: "The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed; for I believe, out of three companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are left alive. Captain Peyrouny, and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Polson had nearly as hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed all others, that were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death; and at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them."--Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton, II. 87.

The English themselves bore reluctant testimony to the good conduct of the Virginians.--See Entick, Hist. Late War, 147.]

[Footnote 119: Haliburton, Hist. Nova Scotia, I. Chap. IV.]

[Footnote 120: Holmes, II. 210. Trumbull, Hist. Conn. II. 368. Dwight, Travels, III. 361. Hoyt, Indian Wars, 279. Entick, Hist. Late War, I. 153. Review of Military Operations in North America. Johnson's Letter to the Provincial Governors. Blodgett's Prospective View of the Battle near Lake George.

Blodgett's pamphlet is accompanied by a curious engraving, giving a bird's eye view of the battle, including the surprise of Williams' detachment, and the subsequent attack on the camp of Johnson. In the first half of the engraving, the French army is represented lying in ambuscade in the form of a horseshoe. Hendrick is conspicuous among the English, from being mounted on horseback, while all the others are on foot. In the view of the battle at the lake, the English are represented lying flat on their faces, behind their breastwork, and busily firing at the French and Indians, who are seen skulking among the woods and thickets.

I am again indebted to President Sparks for the opportunity of examining several curious ma.n.u.scripts relating to the battle of Lake George. Among them is Dieskau's official account of the affair, and a curious paper, also written by the defeated general, and containing the story of his disaster, as related by himself in an imaginary conversation with his old commander, Marshal Saxe, in the Elysian Fields. Several writers have stated that Dieskau died of his wounds. This, however, was not the case. He was carried prisoner to England, where he lived for several years, but returned to France after the peace of 1763.]

[Footnote 121: Holmes, II. 226.]

[Footnote 122: Annual Register, 1759, p. 33.]

[Footnote 123: Mante, Hist. Late War, 238.]

[Footnote 124: "I have this day signified to Mr. Pitt that he may dispose of my slight carca.s.s as he pleases; and that I am ready for any undertaking within the reach and compa.s.s of my skill and cunning. I am in a very bad condition, both with the gravel and rheumatism; but I had much rather die than decline any kind of service that offers: if I followed my own taste, it would lead me into Germany; and if my poor talent was consulted, they should place me to the cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes, and a warmth of temper to follow the first impressions. However, it is not our part to choose, but to obey."--Letter--Wolfe to William Rickson, Salisbury, December 1, 1758.]

[Footnote 125: Knox, Journals, I. 358.]

[Footnote 126: Entick, IV. III.

In his letter to the Ministry, dated Sept. 2, Wolfe writes in these desponding words:-- "By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain I know require the most vigorous measures, but then the courage of a handful of brave troops should be exerted only when there is some hope of a favorable event. However, you may be a.s.sured, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honor of his Majesty, and the interest of the nation; in which I am sure of being well seconded by the admiral and by the generals: happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty's arms in any other part of America."]

[Footnote 127: "This anecdote was related by the late celebrated John Robison, Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, who, in his youth, was a mids.h.i.+pman in the British navy, and was in the same boat with Wolfe. His son, my kinsman, Sir John Robison, communicated it to me, and it has since been recorded in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.

'The paths of glory lead but to the grave'

is one of the lines which Wolfe must have recited as he strikingly exemplified its application."--Grahame, Hist. U. S. IV. 50. See also Playfair's Works, IV. 126.]

[Footnote 128: Smollett, V. 56, note (Edinburgh, 1805). Mante simply mentions that the English were challenged by the sentinels, and escaped discovery by replying in French.]

[Footnote 129: This incident is mentioned in a ma.n.u.script journal of the siege of Quebec, by John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster in the 58th regiment. The journal is written with great care, and abounds in curious details.]

[Footnote 130: Knox, Journal, II. 68, note.]

[Footnote 131: Despatch of Admiral Saunders, Sept. 20, 1759.]

[Footnote 132: Despatch of General Townshend, Sept. 20. Gardiner, Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec, 28. Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by a Gentleman in an Eminent Station on the Spot, 40. Letter to a Right Honorable Patriot on the Glorious Success of Quebec. Annual Register for 1759, 40.]

[Footnote 133: Knox, II. 78. Knox derived his information from the person who supported Wolfe in his dying moments.]

[Footnote 134: Knox, II. 77.]

[Footnote 135: Annual Register for 1759, 43.]

[Footnote 136: Gordon, Hist. Penn. 321. Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest. MS. Johnson Papers.]

[Footnote 137: The following are extracts from his journals:-- "We set out from Kushkushkee for Sankonk; my company consisted of twenty-five hors.e.m.e.n and fifteen foot. We arrived at Sankonk in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner that I could hardly get along; running up against me with their b.r.e.a.s.t.s open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behavior to me was quickly changed." ... "Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire, for that the French had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire as if I had been chained there....

"In the afternoon, all the captains gathered together in the middle town; they sent for us, and desired we should give them information of our message. Accordingly we did. We read the message with great satisfaction to them. It was a great pleasure both to them and us. The number of captains and counsellors were sixteen. In the evening, messengers arrived from Fort Duquesne, with a string of wampum from the commander; upon which they all came together in the house where we lodged. The messengers delivered their string, with these words from their father, the French king:-- "'My children, come to me, and hear what I have to say. The English are coming with an army to destroy both you and me. I therefore desire you immediately, my children, to hasten with all the young men; we will drive the English and destroy them. I, as a father, will tell you always what is best.' He laid the string before one of the captains. After a little conversation, the captain stood up, and said, 'I have just heard something of our brethren, the English, which pleaseth me much better. I will not go. Give it to the others; maybe they will go,' The messenger took up again the string, and said, 'He won't go; he has heard of the English.' Then all cried out, 'Yes, yes, we have heard from the English.' He then threw the string to the other fireplace, where the other captains were; but they kicked it from one to another, as if it was a snake. Captain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string from one end of the room to the other, and said, 'Give it to the French captain, and let him go with his young men; he boasted much of his fighting; now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him; and had hardly a loaf of bread when we came to him; and now he thinks we should jump to serve him.' Then we saw the French captain mortified to the uttermost; he looked as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and joked till midnight; and the French captain sent messengers at midnight to Fort Duquesne."

The kicking about of the wampum belt is the usual indication of contempt for the message of which the belt is the token. The uses of wampum will be described hereafter.]

[Footnote 138: Minutes of Council at Easton, 1758.]

[Footnote 139: Account of Conferences between Major-General Sir W. Johnson and the Chief Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations (Lond. 1756).]

[Footnote 140: MS. Johnson Papers.]

[Footnote 141: The estimates given by Croghan, Bouquet, and Hutchins, do not quite accord with that of Johnson. But the discrepancy is no greater than might have been expected from the difficulties of the case.]

[Footnote 142: Bartram, Observations, 41.]

[Footnote 143: I am indebted to the kindness of Rev. S. K. Lothrop for a copy of the journal of Mr. Kirkland on his missionary tour among the Iroquois in 1765. The journal contains much information respecting their manners and condition at this period.]

[Footnote 144: MS. Journal of Lieutenant Gorell, 1763. Anonymous MS. Journal of a Tour to Niagara in 1765. The following is an extract from the latter:-- "July 2d. Dined with Sir Wm. at Johnson Hall. The office of Superintendent very troublesome. Sir Wm. continually plagued with Indians about him--generally from 300 to 900 in number--spoil his garden, and keep his house always dirty....

"10th. Punted and rowed up the Mohawk River against the stream, which, on account of the rapidity of the current, is very hard work for the poor soldiers. Encamped on the banks of the river, about 9 miles from Harkimer's.

"The inconveniences attending a married Subaltern strongly appear in this tour. What with the sickness of their wives, the squealing of their children, and the smallness of their pay, I think the gentlemen discover no common share of philosophy in keeping themselves from running mad. Officers and soldiers, with their wives and children, legitimate and illegitimate, make altogether a pretty compound oglio, which does not tend towards showing military matrimony off to any great advantage....

"Monday, 14th. Went on horseback by the side of Wood Creek, 20 miles, to the Royal Blockhouse, a kind of wooden castle, proof against any Indian attacks. It is now abandoned by the troops, and a sutler lives there, who keeps rum, milk, rackoons, etc., which, though none of the most elegant, is comfortable to strangers pa.s.sing that way. The Blockhouse is situated on the east end of the Oneida Lake, and is surrounded by the Oneida Indians, one of the Six Nations."]

[Footnote 145: Mitch.e.l.l, Contest in America. Pouchot, Guerre de l'Amerique. Expedition against the Ohio Indians, appendix. Hutchins, Topographical Description of Virginia, etc. Pownall, Topographical Description of North America. Evans, a.n.a.lysis of a Map of the Middle British Colonies. Beatty, Journal of a Tour in America. Smith, Narrative. M'Cullough, Narrative. Jemmison, Narrative. Post, Journals. Was.h.i.+ngton, Journals, 1753-1770. Gist, Journal, 1750. Croghan, Journal, 1765, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 146: A striking example of Indian acuteness once came under my observation. Travelling in company with a Canadian named Raymond, and an Ogillallah Indian, we came at nightfall to a small stream called Chugwater, a branch of Laramie Creek. As we prepared to encamp, we observed the ashes of a fire, the footprints of men and horses, and other indications that a party had been upon the spot not many days before. Having secured our horses for the night, Raymond and I sat down and lighted our pipes, my companion, who had spent his whole life in the Indian country, hazarding various conjectures as to the numbers and character of our predecessors. Soon after, we were joined by the Indian, who, meantime, had been prowling about the place. Raymond asked what discovery he had made. He answered, that the party were friendly, and that they consisted of eight men, both whites and Indians, several of whom he named, affirming that he knew them well. To an inquiry how he gained his information, he would make no intelligible reply. On the next day, reaching Fort Laramie, a post of the American Fur Company, we found that he was correct in every particular,--a circ.u.mstance the more remarkable, as he had been with us for three weeks, and could have had no other means of knowledge than we ourselves.]

[Footnote 147: MS. Gage Papers.]

[Footnote 148: Sabine, American Loyalists, 576. Sparks, Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton, III. 208, 244, 439; IV, 128, 520, 524.

Although Rogers, especially where his pecuniary interest was concerned, was far from scrupulous, I have no hesitation in following his account of the expedition up the lakes. The incidents of each day are minuted down in a dry, unambitious style, bearing the clear impress of truth. Extracts from the orderly books and other official papers are given, while portions of the narrative, verified by contemporary doc.u.ments, may stand as earnests for the truth of the whole.

Rogers's published works consist of the Journals of his ranging service and his Concise Account of North America, a small volume containing much valuable information. Both appeared in London in 1765. To these may be added a curious drama, called Ponteach, or the Savages of America, which appears to have been written, in part, at least, by him. It is very rare, and besides the copy in my possession, I know of but one other, which may be found in the library of the British Museum. For an account of this curious production, see Appendix, B. An engraved full-length portrait of Rogers was published in London in 1776. He is represented as a tall, strong man, dressed in the costume of a ranger, with a powder-horn slung at his side, a gun resting in the hollow of his arm, and a countenance by no means prepossessing. Behind him, at a little distance, stand his Indian followers.

The steep mountain called Rogers' Slide, near the northern end of Lake George, derives its name from the tradition that, during the French war, being pursued by a party of Indians, he slid on snowshoes down its precipitous front, for more than a thousand feet, to the frozen lake below. On beholding the achievement, the Indians, as well they might, believed him under the protection of the Great Spirit, and gave over the chase. The story seems unfounded; yet it was not far from this mountain that the rangers fought one of their most desperate winter battles, against a force of many times their number.]

[Footnote 149: Henry, Travels and Adventures, 9.]

[Footnote 150: There can be no reasonable doubt, that the interview with Pontiac, described by Rogers in his Account of North America, took place on the occasion indicated in his Journals, under date of the 7th of November. The Indians whom he afterwards met are stated to have been Hurons.]

[Footnote 151: Rogers, Journals, 214; Account of North America, 240, 243.]

[Footnote 152: MS. Johnson Papers.]

[Footnote 153: Extract from a MS. letter--Sir W. Johnson to Governor Colden, Dec. 24, 1763.

"I shall not take upon me to point out the Originall Parsimony &c. to w^{h} the first defection of the Indians can with justice & certainty be attributed, but only observe, as I did in a former letter, that the Indians (whose friends.h.i.+p was never cultivated by the English with that attention, expense, & a.s.siduity with w^{h} y^{e} French obtained their favour) were for many years jealous of our growing power, were repeatedly a.s.sured by the French (who were at y^{e} pains of having many proper emissaries among them) that so soon as we became masters of this country, we should immediately treat them with neglect, hem them in with Posts & Forts, encroach upon their Lands, and finally destroy them. All w^{h} after the reduction of Canada, seemed to appear too clearly to the Indians, who thereby lost the great advantages resulting from the possession w^{h} the French formerly had of Posts & Trade in their Country, neither of which they could have ever enjoyed but for the notice they took of the Indians, & the presents they bestowed so bountifully upon them, w^{h} however expensive, they wisely foresaw was infinitely cheaper, and much more effectual than the keeping of a large body of Regular Troops, in their several Countrys, ... a Plan which has endeared their memory to most of the Indian Nations, who would I fear generally go over to them in case they ever got footing again in this Country, & who were repeatedly exhorted, & encouraged by the French (from motives of Interest & dislike w^{h} they will always possess) to fall upon us, by representing that their liberties & Country were in y^{e} utmost danger." In January, 1763, Colonel Bouquet, commanding in Pennsylvania, writes to General Amherst, stating the discontent produced among the Indians by the suppression of presents. The commander-in-chief replies, "As to appropriating a particular sum to be laid out yearly to the warriors in presents, &c., that I can by no means agree to; nor can I think it necessary to give them any presents by way of Bribes, for if they do not behave properly they are to be punished." And again, in February, to the same officer, "As you are thoroughly acquainted with my sentiments regarding the treatment of the Indians in general, you will of course order Cap. Ecuyer ... not to give those who are able to provide for their families any encouragement to loiter away their time in idleness about the Fort."]

[Footnote 154: Some of the princ.i.p.al causes of the war are exhibited with spirit and truth in the old tragedy of Ponteach, written probably by Major Rogers. The portion of the play referred to is given in Appendix, B.

"The English treat us with much Disrespect, and we have the greatest Reason to believe, by their Behavior, they intend to Cut us off entirely; They have possessed themselves of our Country, it is now in our power to Dispossess them and Recover it, if we will but Embrace the opportunity before they have time to a.s.semble together, and fortify themselves, there is no time to be lost, let us Strike immediately."--Speech of a Seneca chief to the Wyandots and Ottawas of Detroit, July, 1761.]

[Footnote 155: Minutes of Conference with the Six Nations at Hartford, 1763, MS. Letter--Hamilton to Amherst, May 10, 1761.]

[Footnote 156: "We are now left in Peace, and have nothing to do but to plant our Corn, Hunt the wild Beasts, smoke our Pipes, and mind Religion. But as these Forts, which are built among us, disturb our Peace, & are a great hurt to Religion, because some of our Warriors are foolish, & some of our Brother Soldiers don't fear G.o.d, we therefore desire that these Forts may be pull'd down, & kick'd out of the way."

At a conference at Philadelphia, in August, 1761, an Iroquois sachem said, "We, your Brethren of the several Nations, are penned up like Hoggs. There are Forts all around us, and therefore we are apprehensive that Death is coming upon us."]

[Footnote 157: Croghan, Journal. See Hildreth, Pioneer History, 68. Also Butler, Hist. Kentucky, Appendix.]

[Footnote 158: Examination of Gershom Hicks, a spy. See Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 1846.

Many pa.s.sages from contemporary letters and doc.u.ments might be cited in support of the above. The following extract from a letter of Lieut. Edward Jenkins, commanding at Fort Ouatanon on the Wabash, to Major Gladwin commanding at Detroit, is a good example. The date is 28 March, 1763. "The Canadians here are eternally telling lies to the Indians.... One La Pointe told the Indians a few days ago that we should all be prisoners in a short time (showing when the corn was about a foot high), that there was a great army to come from the Mississippi, and that they were to have a great number of Indians with them; therefore advised them not to help us. That they would soon take Detroit and these small posts, and then they would take Quebec, Montreal, &c., and go into our country. This, I am informed, they tell them from one end of the year to the other." He adds that the Indians will rather give six beaver-skins for a blanket to a Frenchman than three to an Englishman.]

[Footnote 159: M'Cullough's Narrative. See Incidents of Border Life, 98. M'Cullough was a prisoner among the Delawares, at the time of the prophet's appearance.]

[Footnote 160: MS. Minutes of a Council held by Deputies of the Six Nations, with the Wyandots, Ottawas, Ojibwas, and Pottawattamies, at the Wyandot town, near Detroit, July 3, 1761.

Extract from a MS. Letter--Captain Campbell, commanding at Detroit, to Major Walters, commanding at Niagara.

"Detroit, June 17th. 1761, two o'clock in the morning.

"Sir: "I had the favor of Yours, with General Amherst's Dispatches.

"I have sent You an Express with a very Important piece of Intelligence I have had the good fortune to Discover. I have been Lately alarmed with Reports of the bad Designs of the Indian Nations against this place and the English in General; I can now Inform You for certain it Comes from the Six Nations; and that they have Sent Belts of Wampum & Deputys to all the Nations, from Nova Scotia to the Illinois, to take up the hatchet against the English, and have employed the Messagues to send Belts of Wampum to the Northern Nations....

"Their project is as follows: the Six Nations--at least the Senecas--are to a.s.semble at the head of French Creek, within five and twenty Leagues of Presqu' Isle, part of the Six Nations, the Delawares and Shanese, are to a.s.semble on the Ohio, and all at the same time, about the latter End of this Month, to surprise Niagara & Fort Pitt, and Cut off the Communication Every where; I hope this will Come time Enough to put You on Your Guard and to send to Oswego, and all the Posts on that communication, they Expect to be Joined by the Nations that are Come from the North by Toronto."]

[Footnote 161: Letter, Geo. Croghan to Sir J. Amherst, Fort Pitt, April 30, 1763, MS. Amherst replies characteristically, "Whatever idle notions they may entertain in regard to the cessions made by the French Crown can be of very little consequence."

Croghan, Sir William Johnson's deputy, and a man of experience, had for some time been anxious as to the results of the arrogant policy of Amherst. On March 19th he wrote to Colonel Bouquet: "How they (the Indians) may behave I can't pretend to say, but I do not approve of Gen^{l.} Amherst's plan of distressing them too much, as in my opinion they will not consider consequences if too much distrest, tho' Sir Jeffrey thinks they will."

Croghan urges the same views, with emphasis, in other letters; but Amherst was deaf to all persuasion.]

[Footnote 162: Drake, Life of Tec.u.mseh, 138.

Several tribes, the Miamis, Sacs, and others, have claimed connection with the great chief; but it is certain that he was, by adoption at least, an Ottawa. Henry Conner, formerly government interpreter for the northern tribes, declared, on the faith of Indian tradition, that he was born among the Ottawas of an Ojibwa mother, a circ.u.mstance which proved an advantage to him by increasing his influence over both tribes. An Ojibwa Indian told the writer that some portion of his power was to be ascribed to his being a chief of the Metai, a magical a.s.sociation among the Indians of the lakes, in which character he exerted an influence on the superst.i.tion of his followers.]

[Footnote 163: The venerable Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, remembered to have seen Pontiac, a few days before his death, attired in the complete uniform of a French officer, which had been given him by the Marquis of Montcalm not long before the battle on the Plains of Abraham.]

[Footnote 164: MS. Letter--M. D'Abbadie to M. Neyon, 1764.]

[Footnote 165: Wampum was an article much in use among many tribes, not only for ornament, but for the graver purposes of councils, treaties, and emba.s.sies. In ancient times it consisted of small sh.e.l.ls, or fragments of sh.e.l.ls, rudely perforated, and strung together; but more recently, it was manufactured by the white men, from the inner portions of certain marine and fresh-water sh.e.l.ls. In shape, the grains or beads resembled small pieces of broken pipe-stem, and were of various sizes and colors, black, purple, and white. When used for ornament, they were arranged fancifully in necklaces, collars, and embroidery; but when employed for public purposes, they were disposed in a great variety of patterns and devices, which, to the minds of the Indians, had all the significance of hieroglyphics. An Indian orator, at every clause of his speech, delivered a belt or string of wampum, varying in size, according to the importance of what he had said, and, by its figures and coloring, so arranged as to perpetuate the remembrance of his words. These belts were carefully stored up like written doc.u.ments, and it was generally the office of some old man to interpret their meaning.

When a wampum belt was sent to summon the tribes to join in war, its color was always red or black, while the prevailing color of a peace-belt was white. Tobacco was sometimes used on such occasions as a subst.i.tute for wampum, since in their councils the Indians are in the habit of constantly smoking, and tobacco is therefore taken as the emblem of deliberation. With the tobacco or the belt of wampum, presents are not unfrequently sent to conciliate the good will of the tribe whose alliance is sought. In the summer of the year 1846, when the western bands of the Dahcotah were preparing to go in concert against their enemies the Crows, the chief who was at the head of the design, and of whose village the writer was an inmate, impoverished himself by sending most of his horses as presents to the chiefs of the surrounding villages. On this occasion, tobacco was the token borne by the messengers, as wampum is not in use among the tribes of that region.]

[Footnote 166: MS. Johnson Papers.]

[Footnote 167: MS. Speech of a Miami Chief to Ensign Holmes. MS. Letter--Holmes to Gladwyn, March 16, 1763. Gladwyn to Amherst, March 21, 1763.

Extract from a MS. Letter--Ensign Holmes commanding at Miamis, to Major Gladwyn:-- "Fort Miamis, March 30th, 1763.

"Since my Last Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of the b.l.o.o.d.y Belt being in this Village, I have made all the search I could about it, and have found it out to be True; Whereon I a.s.sembled all the Chiefs of this Nation, & after a long and troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech, as You will Receive Enclosed; This Affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace will put a Stop to any further Troubles with these Indians, who are the Princ.i.p.al Ones of Setting Mischief on Foot. I send you the Belt, with this Packet, which I hope You will Forward to the General."]

[Footnote 168: Mante, 485.]

[Footnote 169: Pontiac, MS. See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 170: Pontiac, MS.--M'Dougal, MSS. M'Dougal states that he derived his information from an Indian. The author of the Pontiac MS. probably writes on the authority of Canadians, some of whom were present at the council.]

[Footnote 171: Pontiac, MS.]

[Footnote 172: Carver, Travels, 153. Gent. Mag. x.x.xIV 408.]

[Footnote 173: Memorial of La Motte Cadillac. See Schoolcraft, Oneota, 407.]

[Footnote 174: A high estimate. Compare Rameau, Colonie du Detroit, 28.]

[Footnote 175: Croghan, Journal. Rogers, Account of North America, 168. Various MS. Journals, Letters, and Plans have also been consulted. The most remarkable of these is the Plan Topographique du Detroit, made by or for General Collot, in 1796. It is accompanied by a drawing in water-colors of the town as it appeared in that year. A fac-simile of this drawing is in my possession. The regular fortification, which, within the recollection of many now living, covered the ground in the rear of the old town of Detroit, was erected at a date subsequent to the period of this history.]

[Footnote 176: Tradition, communicated to H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., by Henry Conner, formerly Indian interpreter at Detroit.]

[Footnote 177: St. Aubin's Account, MS. See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 178: Gouin's Account, MS.]

[Footnote 179: Letter to the writer from H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., containing the traditional account from the lips of the interpreter, Henry Conner. See, also, Carver, Travels, 155 (Lond. 1778).

Carver's account of the conspiracy and the siege is in several points inexact, which throws a shade of doubt on this story. Tradition, however, as related by the interpreter Conner, sustains him; with the addition that Catharine was the mistress of Gladwyn, and a few other points, including a very unromantic end of the heroine, who is said to have perished, by falling, when drunk, into a kettle of boiling maple-sap. This was many years after (see Appendix). Maxwell agrees in the main with Carver. There is another tradition, that the plot was disclosed by an old squaw. A third, current among the Ottawas, and sent to me in 1858 by Mr. Hosmer, of Toledo, declares that a young squaw told the plot to the commanding officer, but that he would not believe her, as she had a bad name, being a "straggler among the private soldiers." An Indian chief, pursues the same story, afterwards warned the officer. The Pontiac MS. says that Gladwyn was warned by an Ottawa warrior, though a woman was suspected by the Indians of having betrayed the secret. Peltier says that a woman named Catharine was accused of revealing the plot, and severely flogged by Pontiac in consequence. There is another story, that a soldier named Tucker, adopted by the Indians, was warned by his Indian sister. But the most distinct and satisfactory evidence is the following, from a letter written at Detroit on the twelfth of July, 1763, and signed James Macdonald. It is among the Haldimand Papers in the British Museum. There is also an imperfect copy, found among the papers of Colonel John Brodhead, in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania: "About six o'clock that afternoon [May 7], six of their warriors returned and brought an old squaw prisoner, alleging that she had given us false information against them. The major declared she had never given us any kind of advice. They then insisted on naming the author of what he had heard with regard to the Indians, which he declined to do, but told them that it was one of themselves, whose name he promised never to reveal; whereupon they went off, and carried the old woman prisoner with them. When they arrived at their camp, Pontiac, their greatest chief, seized on the prisoner, and gave her three strokes with a stick on the head, which laid her flat on the ground, and the whole nation a.s.sembled round her, and called repeated times, 'Kill her! kill her!'"

Thus it is clear that the story told by Carver must be taken with many grains of allowance. The greater part of the evidence given above has been gathered since the first edition of this book was published. It has been thought best to retain the original pa.s.sage, with the necessary qualifications. The story is not without interest, and those may believe it who will.]

[Footnote 180: Maxwell's Account, MS. See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 181: Meloche's Account, MS.]

[Footnote 182: Penn. Gaz. No. 1808.]

[Footnote 183: This incident was related, by the son of Beaufait, to General Ca.s.s. See Ca.s.s, Discourse before the Michigan Historical Society, 30.]

[Footnote 184: Carver, Travels, 159 (London, 1778). M'Kenney, Tour to the Lakes, 130. Ca.s.s, Discourse, 32. Penn. Gaz. Nos. 1807, 1808. Pontiac MS. M'Dougal, MSS. Gouin's Account, MS. Meloche's Account, MS. St. Aubin's Account, MS.

Extract from a MS. Letter--Major Gladwyn to Sir J. Amherst: "Detroit, May 14, 1763.

"Sir: "On the First Instant, Pontiac, the Chief of the Ottawa Nation, came here with about Fifty of his Men (forty, Pontiac MS.), and told me that in a few days, when the rest of his Nation came in, he Intended to Pay me a Formal Visit. The 7th he came, but I was luckily Informed, the Night before, that he was coming with an Intention to Surprize Us; Upon which I took such Precautions that when they Entered the Fort, (tho' they were, by the best Accounts, about Three Hundred, and Armed with Knives, Tomyhawks, and a great many with Guns cut short, and hid under their Blankets), they were so much surprized to see our Disposition, that they would scarcely sit down to Council: However in about Half an hour, after they saw their Designs were Discovered, they sat Down, and Pontiac made a speech which I Answered calmly, without Intimating my suspicion of their Intentions, and after receiving some Trifling Presents, they went away to their Camp."]