Ten Days That Shook the World Part 23

On Social Insurance.

The Russian proletariat has inscribed on its banners the promise of complete Social Insurance of wage-workers, as well as of the town and village poor. The Government of the Tsar, the proprietors and the capitalists, as well as the Government of coalition and conciliation, failed to realise the desires of the workers with regard to Social Insurance.

The Workers' and Peasants' Government, relying upon the support of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, announces to the working-cla.s.s of Russia and to the town and village poor, that it will immediately prepare laws on Social Insurance based on the formulas proposed by the Labour organisations: 1. Insurance for all wage-workers without exception, as well as for all urban and rural poor.

2. Insurance to cover all categories of loss of working capacity, such as illness, infirmities, old age, childbirth, widowhood, orphanage, and unemployment.

3. All the costs of insurance to be charged to employers.

4. Compensation of at least full wages in all loss of working capacity and unemployment.

5. Complete workers' self-government of all Insurance inst.i.tutions.

In the name of the Government of the Russian Republic, The People's Commissar of Labour, ALEXANDER SHLIAPNIKOV.

On Popular Education.

Citizens of Russia!

With the insurrection of November 7th the working ma.s.ses have won for the first time the real power.

The All-Russian Congress of Soviets has temporarily transferred this power both to its Executive Committee and to the Council of People's Commissars.

By the will of the revolutionary people, I have been appointed People's Commissar of Education.

The work of guiding in general the people's education, inasmuch as it remains with the central government, is, until the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly meets, entrusted to a Commission on the People's Education, whose chairman and executive is the People's Commissar.

Upon what fundamental propositions will rest this State Commission? How is its sphere of competence determined?

The General Line of Educational Activity: Every genuinely democratic power must, in the domain of education, in a country where illiteracy and ignorance reign supreme, make its first aim the struggle against this darkness. It must acquire in the shortest time universal literacy, by organising a network of schools answering to the demands of modern pedagogics; it must introduce universal, obligatory and free tuition for all, and establish at the same time a series of such teachers' inst.i.tutes and seminaries as will in the shortest time furnish a powerful army of people's teachers so necessary for the universal instruction of the population of our boundless Russia.

Decentralisation: The State Commission on People's Education is by no means a central power governing the inst.i.tutions of instruction and education. On the contrary, the entire school work ought to be transferred to the organs of local self-government. The independent work of the workers, soldiers and peasants, establis.h.i.+ng on their own initiative cultural educational organisations, must be given full autonomy, both by the State centre and the Munic.i.p.al centres.

The work of the State Commission serves as a link and helpmate to organise resources of material and moral support to the Munic.i.p.al and private inst.i.tutions, particularly to those with a cla.s.s-character established by the workers.

The State Committee on People's Education: A whole series of invaluable law projects was elaborated from the beginning of the Revolution by the State Committee for People's Education, a tolerably democratic body as to its composition, and rich in experts. The State Commission sincerely desires the collaboration of this Committee.

It has addressed itself to the bureau of the Committee, with the request at once to convoke an extraordinary session of the Committee for the fulfilment of the following programme: 1. The revision of rules of representation in the Committee, in the sense of greater democratisation.

2. The revision of the Committee's rights in the sense of widening them, and of converting the Committee into a fundamental State inst.i.tute for the elaboration of law projects calculated to reorganise public instruction and education in Russia upon democratic principles.

3. The revision, jointly with the new State Commission, of the laws already created by the Committee, a revision required by the fact that in editing them the Committee had to take into account the bourgeois spirit of previous Ministries, which obstructed it even in this its narrowed form.

After this revision these laws will be put into effect without any bureau-cratic red tape, in the revolutionary order.

The Pedagogues and the Societists: The State Commission welcomes the pedagogues to the bright and honourable work of educating the people-the masters of the country.

No one measure in the domain of the people's education ought to be adopted by any power without the attentive deliberation of those who represent the pedagogues.

On the other hand, a decision cannot by any means be reached exclusively through the cooperation of specialists. This refers as well to reforms of the inst.i.tutes of general education.

The cooperation of the pedagogues with the social forces-this is how the Commission will work both in its own const.i.tution, in the State Committee, and in all its activities.

As its first task the Commission considers the improvement of the teachers' status, and first of all of those very poor though almost most important contributors to the work of culture-the elementary school teachers. Their just demands ought to be satisfied at once and at any cost. The proletariat of the schools has in vain demanded an increase of salary to one hundred rubles per month. It would be a disgrace any longer to keep in poverty the teachers of the overwhelming majority of the Russian people.

But a real democracy cannot stop at mere literacy, at universal elementary instruction. It must endeavour to organise a uniform secular school of several grades. The ideal is, equal and if possible higher education for all the citizens. So long as this idea has not been realised for all, the natural transition through all the schooling grades up to the university-a transition to a higher stage-must depend entirely upon the pupil's apt.i.tude, and not upon the resources of his family.

The problem of a genuinely democratic organisation of instruction is particularly difficult in a country impoverished by a long, criminal, imperialistic war; but the workers who have taken the power must remember that education will serve them as the greatest instrument in their struggle for a better lot and for a spiritual growth. However needful it may be to curtail other articles of the people's budget, the expenses on education must stand high. A large educational budget is the pride and glory of a nation. The free and enfranchised peoples of Russia will not forget this.

The fight against illiteracy and ignorance cannot be confined to a thorough establishment of school education for children and youths. Adults, too, will be anxious to save themselves from the debasing position of a man who cannot read and write. The school for adults must occupy a conspicuous place in the general plan of popular instruction.

Instruction and Education: One must emphasise the difference between instruction and education.

Instruction is the transmission of ready knowledge by the teacher to his pupil. Education is a creative process. The personality of the individual is being "educated" throughout life, is being formed, grows richer in content, stronger and more perfect.

The toiling ma.s.ses of the people-the workmen, the peasants, the soldiers-are thirsting for elementary and advanced instruction. But they are also thirsting for education. Neither the government nor the intellectuals nor any other power outside of themselves can give it to them. The school, the book, the theatre, the museum, etc., may here by only aids. They have their own ideas, formed by their social position, so different from the position of those ruling cla.s.ses and intellectuals who have hitherto created culture. They have their own ideas, their own emotions, their own ways of approaching the problems of personality and society. The city labourer, according to his own fas.h.i.+on, the rural toiler according to his, will each build his clear world-conception permeated with the cla.s.s-idea of the workers. There is no more superb or beautiful phenomenon than the one of which our nearest descendants will be both witnesses and partic.i.p.ants: The building by collective Labour of its own general, rich and free soul.

Instruction will surely be an important but not a decisive element. What is more important here is the criticism, the creativeness of the ma.s.ses themselves; for science and art have only in some of their parts a general human importance. They suffer radical changes with every far-reaching cla.s.s upheaval.

Throughout Russia, particularly among the city labourers, but also among the peasants, a powerful wave of cultural educational movement has arisen; workers' and soldiers' organisations of this kind are multiplying rapidly. To meet them, to lend them support, to clear the road before them is the first task of a revolutionary and popular government in the domain of democratic education.

The Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly will doubtless soon begin its work. It alone can permanently establish the order of national and social life in our country, and at the same time the general character of the organisation of popular education.

Now, however, with the pa.s.sage of power to the Soviets, the really democratic character of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly is a.s.sured. The line which the State Commission, relying upon the State Committee, will follow, will hardly suffer any modification under the influence of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. Without pre-determining it, the new People's Government considers itself within its rights in enacting in this domain a series of measures which aim at enriching and enlightening as soon as possible the spiritual life of the country.

The Ministry: The present work must in the interim proceed through the Ministry of the People's Education. Of all the necessary alterations in its composition and construction the State Commission will have charge, elected by the Executive Committee of the Soviets and the State Committee. Of course the order of State authority in the domain of the people's education will be established by the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. Until then, the Ministry must play the part of the executive apparatus for both the State Committee and the State Commission for People's Education.

The pledge of the country's safety lies in the cooperation of all its vital and genuinely democratic forces.

We believe that the energetic effort of the working people and of the honest enlightened intellectuals will lead the country out of its painful crisis, and through complete democracy to the reign of Socialism and the brotherhood of nations.

People's Commissar on Education.

A. V. LUNACHARSKY.

On the Order in Which the Laws Are to be Ratified and Published.

1. Until the convocation of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, the enacting and publis.h.i.+ng of laws shall be carried out in the order decreed by the present Provisional Workmen's and Peasants' Government, elected by the All-Russian Congress of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies.

2. Every bill is presented for consideration of the Government by the respective Ministry, signed by the duly authorised People's Commissar; or it is presented by the legislative section attached to the Government, signed by the chief of the section.

3. After its ratification by the Government, the decree in its final edition, in the name of the Russian Republic, is signed by the president of the Council of People's Commissars, or for him by the People's Commissar who presented it for the consideration of the Government, and is then published.

4. The date of publis.h.i.+ng it in the official "Gazette of the Provisional Workmen's and Peasants' Government," is the date of its becoming law.

5. In the decree there may be appointed a date, other than the date of publication, on which it shall become law, or it may be promulgated by telegraph; in which case it is to be regarded in every locality as becoming law upon the publication of the telegram.

6. The promulgation of legislative acts of the government by the State Senate is abolished. The Legislative Section attached to the Council of People's Commissars issues periodically a collection of regulations and orders of the government which possess the force of law.

7. The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Deputies (Tsay-ee-kah) has at all times the right to cancel, alter or annul any of the Government decrees.

_In the name of the Russian Republic, the President of the Council of People's Commissars,_ V. ULIANOV-LENIN.

4.

THE LIQUOR PROBLEM.

Order Issued by the Military Revolutonary Committee.

1. Until further order the production of alcohol and alcoholic drinks is prohibited.

2. It is ordered to all producers of alcohol and alcoholic drinks to inform not later than on the 27th inst. of the exact site of their stores.

3. All culprits against this order will be tried by a Military Revolutionary Court.

THE MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE.

5.

ORDER NO. 2 _From the Committee of the Finland Guard Reserve Regiment to all House Committees and to the citizens of Vasili Ostrov._ The bourgeoisie has chosen a very sinister method of fighting against the proletariat; it has established in various parts of the city huge wine depots, and distributes liquor among the soldiers, in this manner attempting to sow dissatisfaction in the ranks of the Revolutionary army.

It is herewith ordered to all house committees, that at 3 o'clock, the time set for posting this order, they shall in person and secretly notify the President of the Committee of the Finland Guard Regiment, concerning the amount of wine in their premises.

Those who violate this order will be arrested and given trial before a merciless court, and their property will be confiscated, and the stock of wine discovered will be BLOWN UP WITH DYNAMITE.

2 hours after this warning, because more lenient measures, as experience has shown, do not bring the desired results.

REMEMBER, THERE WILL BE NO OTHER WARNING BEFORE THE EXPLOSIONS.

Regimental Committee of the Finland Guard Regiment.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX.

1.

MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE. BULLETIN NO. 2.

November 12th, in the evening, Kerensky sent a proposition to the revolutionary troops-"to lay down their arms." Kerensky's men opened artillery fire. Our artillery answered and compelled the enemy to be silent. The Cossacks a.s.sumed the offensive. The deadly fire of the sailors, the Red Guards and the soldiers forced the Cossacks to retreat. Our armoured cars rushed in among the ranks of the enemy. The enemy is fleeing. Our troops are in pursuit. The order has been given to arrest Kerensky. Tsarskoye Selo has been taken by the revolutionary troops.

The Lettish Riflemen: The Military Revolutionary Committee has received precise information that the valiant Lettish Riflemen have arrived from the Front and taken up a position in the rear of Kerensky's bands.

From the Staff of the Military Revolutionary Committee The seizure of Gatchina and Tsarskoye Selo by Kerensky's detachments is to be explained by the complete absence of artillery and machine-guns in these places, whereas Kerensky's cavalry was provided with artillery from the beginning. The last two days were days of enforced work for our Staff, to provide the necessary quant.i.ty of guns, machine-guns, field telephones, etc., for the revolutionary troops. When this work-with the energetic a.s.sistance of the District Soviets and the factories (the Putilov Works, Obukhov and others)-was accomplished, the issue of the expected encounter left no place for doubt: on the side of the revolutionary troops there was not only a surplus in quant.i.ty and such a powerful material base as Petrograd, but also an enormous moral advantage. All the Petrograd regiments moved out to the positions with tremendous enthusiasm. The Garrison Conference elected a Control Commission of five soldiers, thus securing a complete unity between the commander in chief and the garrison. At the Garrison Conference it was unanimously decided to begin decisive action.

The artillery fire on the 12th of November developed with extraordinary force by 3 P.M. The Cossacks were completely demoralised. A parliamentarian came from them to the staff of the detachment at Krasnoye Selo, and proposed to stop the firing, threatening otherwise to take "decisive" measures. He was answered that the firing would cease when Kerensky laid down his arms.

In the developing encounter all sections of the troops-the sailors, soldiers and the Red Guards-showed unlimited courage. The sailors continued to advance until they had fired all their cartridges. The number of casualties has not been established yet, but it is larger on the part of the counter-revolutionary troops, who experienced great losses through one of our armoured cars.

Kerensky's staff, fearing that they would be surrounded, gave the order to retreat, which retreat speedily a.s.sumed a disorderly character. By 11-12 P.M., Tsarkoye Selo, including the wireless station, was entirely occupied by the troops of the Soviets. The Cossacks retreated towards Gatchina and Colpinno.

The morale of the troops is beyond all praise. The order has been given to pursue the retreating Cossacks. From the Tsarskoye Selo station a radio-telegram was sent immediately to the Front and to all local Soviets throughout Russia. Further details will be communicated....

2.

EVENTS OF THE 13TH IN PETROGRAD.

Three regiments of the Petrograd garrison to take any part in the battle against Kerensky. On the morning of the 13th they summoned to a joint conference sixty delegates from the Front, in order to find some way to stop the civil war. This conference appointed a committee to go and persuade Kerensky's troops to lay down their arms. They proposed to ask the Government soldiers the following questions: (1) Will the soldiers and Cossacks of Kerensky recognise the Tsay-ee-kah as the repository of Governmental power, responsible to the Congress of Soviets? (2) Will the soldiers and Cossacks accept the decrees of the second Congress of Soviets? (3) Will they accept the Land and Peace decrees? (4) Will they agree to cease hostilities and return to their units? (5) Will they consent to the arrest of Kerensky, Krasnov and Savinkov?

At the meeting of the Petrograd Soviet, Zinoviev said, "It would be foolish to think that this committee could finish affair. The enemy can only be broken by force. However, it would be a crime for us not to try every peaceful means to bring the Cossacks over to us.... What we need is a military victory.... The news of an armistice is premature. Our Staff will be ready to conclude an armistice when the enemy can no longer do any harm....

"At present, the influence of our victory is creating new political conditions.... To-day the Socialist Revolutionaries are inclined are inclined to admit the Bolsheviki into the new Government.... A decisive victory is indispensable, so that those who hesitate will have no further hesitation...."

At the City Duma all attention was concentrated on the formation of the new Government. In many factories and barracks already Revolutionary Tribunals were operating, and the Bolsheviki were threatening to set up more of these, and try Gotz and Avksentiev before them. Dan proposed that an ultimatum be sent demanding the abolition of these Revolutionary Tribunals, or the other members of the Conference would immediately break off all negotiations with the Bolsheviki.

s.h.i.+ngariov, Cadet, declared that the Munic.i.p.ality ought not to take part in any agreement with the Bolsheviki.... "Any agreement with the maniacs is impossible until they lay down their arms and recognise the authority of independent courts of law...."

Yartsev, for the Yedinstvo group, declared that any agreement with the Bolsheviki would be equivalent to a Bolshevik victory....

Mayor Schreider, for the Socialist Revolutionaries, stated that he was opposed to all agreement with the Bolsheviki.... "As for a Government, that ought to spring from the popular will; and since the popular will has been expressed in the munic.i.p.al elections, the popular will which can create a Government is actually concentrated in the Duma...."

After other speakers, of which only the representative of the Mensheviki Internationalists was in favour of considering the admission of the Bolsheviki into the new Government, the Duma voted to continue its representatives in the Vikzhel's conference, but to insist upon the restoration of the Provisional Government before everything, and to exclude the Bolsheviki from the new power....

3.

TRUCE. KRASNOV's ANSWER TO THE COMMITTEE FOR SALVATION.

"In answer to your telegram proposing an immediate armistice, the Supreme Commander, not wis.h.i.+ng further futile bloodshed, consents to enter into negotiations and to establish relations between the armies of the Government and the insurrectionists. He proposes to the General Staff of the insurrectionists to recall its regiments to Petrograd, to declare the line Ligovo-Pulkovo-Colpinno neutral, and to allow the advance-guards of the Government cavalry to enter Tsarskoye Selo, for the purpose of establis.h.i.+ng order. The answer to this proposal must be placed in the hands of our envoys before eight o'clock to-morrow morning.

KRASNOV."

4.

EVENTS AT TSARSKOYE SELO.

On the evening that Kerensky's troops retreated from Tsarskoye Selo, some priests organised a religious procession through the streets of the town, making speeches to the citizens in which they asked the people to support the rightful authority, the Provisional Government. When the Cossacks had retreated, and the first Red Guards entered the town, witnesses reported that the priests had incited the people against the Soviets, and had said prayers at the grave of Rasputin, which lies behind the Imperial Palace. One of the priests, Father Ivan Kutchurov, was arrested and shot by the infuriated Red Guards....

Just as the Red Guards entered the town the electric lights were shut off, plunging the streets in complete darkness. The director of the electric light plant, Lubovitch, was arrested by the Soviet troops and asked why he had shut off the lights. He was found some time later in the room where he had been imprisoned with a revolver in his hand and a bullet hole in his temple.

The Petrograd anti-Bolshevik papers came out next day with headlines, "Plekhanov's temperature 39 degrees!" Plekhanov lived at Tsarskoye Selo, where he was lying ill in bed. Red Guards arrived at the house and searched it for arms, questioning the old man.

"What cla.s.s of society do you belong to?" they asked him.

"I am a revolutionist," answered Plekhanov, "who for forty years has devoted his life to the struggle for liberty!"

"Anyway," said a workman, "you have now sold yourself to the bourgeoisie!"