What Germany Thinks Part 10

With regard to the text of the above proclamation, there are variations to be noted. In the _Vorwarts_ it runs "within and without our frontiers" in the second paragraph; the text as I have given it is taken from the _Leipziger Volkszeitung_. In the fifth paragraph the Nuremberg _Frankische Tagespost_ gives "capitalistic" for "fatalistic."

A few extracts from Socialist newspapers will suffice to ill.u.s.trate the complete change of front which happened in three days:

"We Social Democrats in this solemn hour are at one with the whole German nation, without distinction of party or creed, in accepting the fight forced upon us by Russian barbarism, and we are ready to fight till the last drop of blood for Germany's national independence, fame and greatness." _Der Folksfreund_ (Karlsruhe), August 1st.

"We desired peace and we have done everything humanly possible to secure that end. But when war is forced upon us by Russian Czarism, then, whatever the final decision may be, we must drop all cla.s.s distinctions and differences of every kind, to form a single, determined people, prepared to defend Germany's independence and greatness against the enemy--even to the last drop of blood." _Volksstimme_ (Mannheim), July 31st.

"A defeat would mean collapse, annihilation and horrors most dreadful for all of us.[72] Our imaginations revolt at such a possibility. Our representatives in the Reichstag have unanimously declared on innumerable occasions that the Social Democrats could not leave their Fatherland in the lurch when the hour of destiny strikes; the workmen will now redeem the promise given by their representatives. The 'Fatherlandless fellows'[73] will do their duty, and in doing it, will allow themselves to be surpa.s.sed in no wise by the patriots," _Munchener Post_, August 1st.

[Footnote 72: These sentiments did not occur to this journalist when Germany began a ruthless war of invasion on Belgium.--Author.]

[Footnote 73: A phrase of contempt employed by the Kaiser when speaking of the Social Democrats in 1889, and which became proverbial.]

"Whatever our opponents have done to us, at this moment we all feel the duty to fight against Russian knout-rule. Our women and children shall not be sacrificed to Russian b.e.s.t.i.a.lity, nor the German people become a booty for the Cossacks." _Die Volksstimme_ (Chemnitz), August 2nd.

It is possible that even at the end of the war no explanation will be forthcoming for this astounding change of att.i.tude. Some have suggested that the Russian or Slavonic danger caused it. Yet just these journals, and this party, had maintained, so long as any degree of free speech was permitted, that Austria had provoked the danger, and they were fully aware that the German Government had from first to last approved of and openly a.s.sisted in provoking, nay challenging, Russia on a question which involved the latter's prestige and diplomatic existence.

Bethmann-Hollweg gave the alleged Russian mobilization as the immediate cause of the war, but doubtless the Social Democrats knew full well that for several days before Russia's mobilization was announced, Germany had been secretly mobilizing her army. From July 26th till July 30th German papers contained many reports that Russia was mobilizing; they may have been true or not, but the diplomatic correspondence published by Austria and discussed on page 63 shows conclusively that the Central Powers were baiting Russia into taking that step, and when the greatest Slavonic power had made the desired move, Germany replied with an ultimatum which brought about the war, so ardently desired by the great majority of Germany's warlike tribes.

Britishers who sympathize with German Social Democracy may advance the plea: If Germany's military preparations were secret, how could the Social Democrats know of these proceedings? The answer is direct and simple: Every individual Social Democrat--and men, women, and children, they number some twenty millions--has for years past been a spy and informer in the interests of the _Umsturzpartei_ (overthrow-party). All the happenings of the workshop, barracks, farmyard, shop and office have been systematically reported to the local Press, and local committees of the Democratic Party; the ammunitions thus obtained have been just as systematically employed to fire insidious paragraphs and Press articles at governments, local authorities, employers, officers, and even the employers of servant-girls. Of late years it has been dangerous to have a difference even with a maid-servant; a few days later the inevitable insidious, anonymous attack would certainly appear in one or other of the S.D. journals.

One instance will suffice to ill.u.s.trate the everyday routine of the cla.s.s-war (_Kla.s.senkampf_) in which the whole energies of the Social Democrats have been absorbed for a quarter of a century. An acquaintance of the author's, Major Schub, in the 19th Infantry Regiment, stationed in Erlangen, dared some years ago to send his orderly with a she-goat to a peasant in the district who kept the indispensable he-goat. Two days later he was pilloried in a Furth paper for calling upon a private soldier to fulfil such a degrading office. German workmen do not read the _Vorwarts_ (its circulation is well under 100,000), but they read one or other of the seventy purveyors of filth and cla.s.s hatred which form the stock-in-trade of the Social Democratic Party.

The author of this work, knew as early as July 25th, that reserve officers had been warned to hold themselves in readiness; on succeeding days he saw tangible evidence that mobilization was proceeding stealthily, and it would be ridiculous for him to claim greater knowledge than the hundred and eleven S.D. members of the Reichstag, and the seventy-seven editors of their party papers--especially when these have an army of millions of spies at their command.

In order to obtain a correct judgment of the motives which actuated German Social Democrats in their complete support of the German Government it is necessary to consult the works published by them during the war. Karl Kautsky writes:[74] "That which under these circ.u.mstances, was most immediate and pressing in determining the att.i.tude to war, not only for the ma.s.ses, but also many of our leaders, was the fear of a hostile invasion, the urgent necessity to keep the enemy out of our territory, no matter what the causes, object or results of the war may be. This fear was never greater and more justified than on this occasion; never have the devastating results of invasion been more terrible. Belgium and East Prussia speak plainly.

[Footnote 74: "Die Internationalitat und der Krieg." Berlin, 1915; p.

32.]

"The increased size of the armies greatly extends the unavoidable desolation of war, and in addition to this a second strongly-working popular motive decides the att.i.tude of a nation to war, viz., the interest of the entire people in the fate of an army in which every family is represented."

It thus becomes evident that no motives of justice, right or wrong, or politics played any part in the decision arrived at, but merely a great fear which impelled the Social Democrats to consider first and foremost how to save their own skins.

All protest meetings were cancelled on August 1st, and the Press restricted itself to chronicling rumours and events. The sitting of the Reichstag was awaited with impatience as that was expected to bring more light on the crisis. The effect which Bethmann-Hollweg produced upon his hearers was to convince them that Russia alone was to blame. "The question of supporting the war by voting a loan was all the easier for us to decide, because the provocation had come, not from France or England, but from Russia. I admit openly that while I was travelling to Berlin to the Reichstag I had very little time to hunt for precedents in the party's history to determine my vote. For me the force of circ.u.mstances alone was decisive; the material interests of the working cla.s.ses and the entire nation; common sense and the realization of a practical policy."[75]

[Footnote 75: "Die Kriegssitzung des deutschen Reichstags" ("The War Sitting of the Reichstag"), by Karl Hildenbrand, Member for Stuttgart.

Published 1915; p. 13.]

"At the time of voting on August 4th, we were not in a position to take England into consideration, because at the moment she had not yet declared war. But by England's intervention our att.i.tude on August 4th has been still more emphatically justified."[76]

[Footnote 76: Ibid., p. 16.]

This statement is a gross distortion of the truth. It is true that England had not yet declared war, but Sir Edward Grey had made England's att.i.tude quite clear on the previous day. His speech had been published in the Berlin papers. Furthermore, the Chancellor informed the Reichstag that England's position was perfectly clear, although he suppressed the fact that Germany had begun preparations for war with this country five days before, by ordering civilians to leave Heligoland, and despatching the _Konigin Luise_ to lay mines on our coasts.

In any case, the action of the Social Democrats on that occasion is an example of unfaithfulness to principles. Accepting the invasion fear as a ground for voting a loan for a war of defence, there is still no evident reason why they should vote funds for a war of aggression against Belgium. On the surface, there is no explanation for their cheers when Bethmann-Hollweg announced the invasion of two neutral States by Germany's armies.

Had they been tricked into supporting an alleged defensive war, there was still time to protest against German hordes overrunning two weak neighbouring countries. In spite of their terror that they personally might suffer through the horrors of war, their vaunted humanitarianism led to no outcry against those same horrors being wilfully and ruthlessly forced upon their Belgian _Genossen_.

The only anxiety which the speech of their chosen spokesman, Herr Haase, betrays, is the anxiety to avoid responsibility. "In the name of my party I am empowered to make the following declaration: We are standing in an hour of solemn destiny. The consequences of the imperialistic policy--which brought about an era of armaments and made international difficulties more acute--have now fallen upon Europe like a storm-flood.

"The responsibility for this recoils upon the leaders of that policy; we decline to accept it. Social Democracy has fought against this ominous development with all the forces at its command. Up to the very last hour we have worked for the maintenance of peace through mighty demonstrations in every land, especially in intimate cooperation with our French brothers. (Applause from the Social Democrats.) Our efforts have been in vain.

"Now we are face to face with the stern reality of war. We are threatened by the terrors of a hostile invasion. To-day we have not to decide either for or against war, but only concerning the necessary means for the defence of our country. Now we have to think of the millions of our _Genossen_ who are innocently swept into this fate. They will suffer most through the devastations of war. Our ardent wishes accompany also our brothers who are called to the flag without distinction of party. (Loud applause.)

"We think, too, of the mothers who must give their sons and of the women and children who are robbed of their bread-winners, and to whose fear for their loved ones is added the dread of hunger. Tens of thousands of wounded and mutilated warriors will soon be added to these. We consider it our most compelling duty to help them, to lighten their burdens and relieve their distress.[77] (Loud applause.)

[Footnote 77: There is every reason to believe that the party has worked hard to keep this promise.--Author.]

"In case of a victory for Russian despotism, which is already stained with the blood of Russia's best sons, much--if not everything--is at stake for our people and our free future. It is a question of averting this danger, and of securing the culture and independence of our own country. (Loud applause.)

"Now we will redeem our oft repeated pledge: In the hour of danger we shall not leave our Fatherland in the lurch. (Loud applause.) Thereby, we feel ourselves in unison with the principles of internationalism which have always admitted the right of each single people to national independence and national defence. We condemn, as internationalism does, every war of conquest.

"We demand, that, as soon as the goal of security has been attained and our enemies are inclined to make peace, the war shall end by a peace that will make friends.h.i.+p with neighbouring countries possible. We demand this, not only in the interests of the international solidarity for which we have uniformly fought, but also in the interests of the German nation.

"We hope that the cruel school of war's sufferings will awaken a horror for war in new millions, and win them over to the socialistic ideal and international peace. Guided by these principles we vote in favour of the war loan. (Loud applause.)"[78]

[Footnote 78: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, August 5th.]

A short historical comparison will a.s.sist in making the Social Democratic action still clearer. In 1870, when Bismarck asked the Reichstag for a war credit to prosecute the campaign against France, the Socialists were few and helpless. Yet Liebknecht and Bebel refused to vote in its favour. "Their moral demonstration was in itself perfectly logical, for Bismarck's and Napoleon III.'s intrigues equally deserved condemnation."[79]

[Footnote 79: Kautsky: "Die Internationalitat und der Krieg," p. 19.]

Apparently it did not occur to the Democrats in 1914, that probably Germany had again been guilty of intrigues. It is noteworthy, however, that the small party in 1870 protested when a national issue was at stake, while the mighty party of 1914 made no protest whatever, although, as they had previously announced and denounced, the issue had been raised by the unjust actions and vile intrigues of Austrian imperialism.

The campaign against Russia conducted by the nationalist Press up till August 1st was taken up by the organs representing Social Democracy, immediately war broke out. Their papers were flooded with appalling pictures of Russian (generally termed Asiatic) barbarism, tyranny and misrule. Pa.s.sages from the speeches and writings of Bebel, Liebknecht and others were quoted to show the fiendishness of Russian policy, and the justice of every German doing his utmost to smash Czarism and deliver millions of fellow workmen from its thrall. Even a blood-and-thunder story of the Russian police was turned on as a serial story in their daily papers.[80] In short, nothing was omitted which goes to make _Stimmung_.

[Footnote 80: "Der Polizeimeister, ein russischer Polizeiroman," by Gabryela Zapolska. The story commenced in the Nuremberg party organ on August 11th, and in Kautsky's _Leipztger Volkszeitung_ on August 18th.]

Had they been honestly impartial a still blacker picture of Austria, painted by one of the founders of the workmen's movement, might have been quoted, yet it might have been indiscreet to tell Germans what La.s.salle wrote. "Austria? Russia is a mammoth, barbarian Empire which its despotic rulers endeavour to civilize, just so far as suits their despotic interests. In that country barbarism is excusable, because it is a national element. But the case is very different with Austria.

There it is the government which represents the barbaric principle and crushes beneath it by artifice and violence, the civilized peoples under its rule."[81]

[Footnote 81: Bernstein's edition of La.s.salle's "Reden und Schriften,"

vol. I., p. 306.]

With the exception of a few Britishers, the Socialists of all countries have unanimously condemned the att.i.tude of the German party. Not the least interesting is the condemnation expressed by the Italian section.

Dr. Sudek.u.m, Reichstag member for Nuremberg, was sent to Italy to discuss the situation with Italian Socialists and justify their own action in supporting the war. The following account of the meeting appeared in the _Vorwarts_ for September 12th: "The meeting lasted from 3.30 p.m. till 7 p.m. Sudek.u.m declared that he had come to inform their Italian comrades of the situation in which the German Socialists found themselves, and in order to learn whether the Italians had taken any steps to keep up communications with Democrats in other lands.

"We hold firmly to the contention that the German Socialists could have done nothing except what they did. My presence here is a proof that we Germans are aware of our duties towards internationalism.[82] We believed that the German Government had given proof of its peaceful tendencies and was forced into war against its will. Therefore, the Social Democratic Party supported it.

[Footnote 82: There is no evidence to show that Sudek.u.m's Italian visit had any other purpose than winning over the sympathies of Italian Socialists and with them, the whole Italian nation for the purposes of German nationalism.--Author.]

"Delia Seta answered that this was no justification for giving their support. The Italian Socialists would not have given their a.s.sistance under the same circ.u.mstances, just as they had refused to vote in favour of the Libyan war.

"Dr. Sudek.u.m replied that the German Socialists were compelled to defend their Fatherland against Czarism. Further, he repeated Haase's declaration in the Reichstag and continued: 'I am astonished that the Italian Socialists are able to believe, that so strong a party as the German Democrats, had denied their ideals, and been untrue to their task. You must admit that no other way was open to us, except to grant the credit demanded.'

"After this, he a.s.serted the nationalist Press of France and Italy was working against Germany, and it seemed as if the Italian comrades were in agreement with Italian nationalists in endeavouring to maintain the existing condition of affairs[83] in Italy.