What Germany Thinks Part 11

[Footnote 83: "The existing condition of affairs" seems to mean Italian neutrality.--Author.]

"Finally Sudek.u.m concluded by pointing out that the German Democrats had neither the intention, nor the right, to influence the att.i.tude of the Italian Socialists, but were merely endeavouring to link up hearty international intercourse again.

"In reply Delia Seta said he found it remarkable that the German Socialists had appealed to their Italian comrades in this solemn hour, all the more remarkable because intentions might easily be ascribed to this intervention. 'This is a serious motive which impels us to state our opinions with unreserved frankness.'

"He continued: 'Your defence does not convince us. You speak of France being allied with us, and of England, Germany's enemy. But we speak of our France, revolutionary France, Jaure's France. The French Socialists opposed the military preparations made by France, you Germans did not do the same in your country, or at least, only up to the point where the imperialistic feelings of the Kaiser and his party might be hurt.

"'The point of view of German Democrats coincides with that of German imperialism. German predominance means for us a far greater danger than Czarism, because Czarism prevents the German army from marching on Paris, and thus protects the banner of France, which in spite of all mistakes and errors, is still the most revolutionary.

"'Germany's motto is: _Deutschland uber alles_ and you have not opposed it; but you have published in the _Vorwarts_ an appreciation of the Kaiser alleging that he had worked during twenty-five years for peace.

"'You speak of German civilization being in danger. But in this civilization we can find no trace of culture, when you attack and torture neutral Belgium, and complete the destruction of Louvain. Taken as a whole, German Socialists are just as plausible and use the same excuses as the Ministers of the German Government.[84]

[Footnote 84: Might not this also be said of Messrs. Morel, Macdonald, Bernard Shaw, etc., and the _Labour Leader_, whose writings on the war have been scattered broadcast throughout Germany during the last six months?]

"'We are enraged at the terrible fact that Germany has violated Belgium's neutrality, and you have not even protested. We tell you quite openly that we honour and weep for devastated Belgium, and tremblingly follow the fate of France.'"

Sudek.u.m had no words with which to answer this terrible indictment, and the _Vorwarts_ could only add the following comment:

"We consider the judgment of our Italian comrades to be one-sided, but for reasons easy to understand, desist from discussing it in the present situation. Unfortunately we must recognize the fact, however, that the Italian view is widespread among the Socialists of other neutral countries."

Germany's revolutionary party lost no time in hoisting the banner of "no annexations." The _Leipziger Folkszeitung_, second in importance only to the _Vorwarts_ nailed down a phrase in the Kaiser's speech from the throne, which stated: "We are inspired by no desire for conquest." In commenting on this phrase, Kautsky's organ said:

"The part of the speech which excites most sympathy in us is the admission that Germany cherishes no l.u.s.t for conquest. At the proper time we shall refer to that again.

"It is with sincere regret that we see the French Government on the side of the criminal Powers, which have enslaved and robbed the Russian people. If Germany, in a delirium of victory, should raise claims which mean annexation, then we shall--that must be repeated again--recall the speech from the throne of the German Kaiser on August 4th, 1914."[85]

[Footnote 85: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, August 4th.]

During the first year of war a split among the Social Democrats has become evident, and it appears certain that it is the annexation question which is causing the cleavage. In December last Liebknecht abstained from voting when the second war loan was granted by the Reichstag. Evidently doubts have arisen in a small section of the party either as to the origin of the war, or in regard to the objects which the German Government hopes to attain.

On August 20th, 1915, Dr. Liebknecht put this question in the Reichstag: "Is the Government prepared to enter into immediate peace negotiations on the basis that Germany renounces all annexation claims and a.s.suming that the other Powers in question are willing to negotiate?" Von Jagow replied: "I believe the great majority of the members will agree with me, when I refuse to answer the question, as being at present beside the purpose."

The reply evoked a hurricane of "bravos."

A parallel may be found in the year 1870. The central committee of German Social Democrats pa.s.sed a resolution that: "It is absolutely necessary for the party to organize simultaneously in all parts of the country great popular demonstrations against the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, and pa.s.s resolutions in favour of an honourable peace with the French republic."

Nothing came of the movement, for on September 9th the committee was placed under arrest and prosecuted. If Germany should be victorious in this war, it is to be a.s.sumed that the Socialists would again prove powerless to prevent annexation. What the allies cannot hinder, the Social Democrats would be still more helpless to prevent; especially as the great majority of them are unreservedly on the side of the Kaiser and his Government. When in need, the latter flattered and persuaded the Democrats to vote for an alleged war of defence; but should German arms be victorious the German Government would neither seek, nor accept advice on her national projects, from her quondam internationalists.

There are grounds for suspicion that the party is playing a game desired by the Berlin Government. For some months past they have tried every means possible to arrange personal interviews with the leaders of the corresponding party in France--the French "comrades" have refused to meet them. The _Leipziger Volkszeitung_ for July 16th, 1915, contains more than a column about "We and the French," in which the German party spreads the usual Teutonic lime of sophistry and empty phrases.

One pa.s.sage betrays the entire intrigue. They wish their "French brothers" to agree to a peace without annexations, which means, in so many words, that the French Socialists are to renounce Alsace-Lorraine for ever. Had they been, or should they be in the future, so foolish as to enter this German mouse-trap, then before the war has reached a decisive conclusion, a large section of the French nation would be pledged to renounce the lost provinces even in case of a German defeat.

This is an excellent instance of the manner in which German Social Democracy works in an enemy country to a.s.sist its own Government. In like manner, the Independent Labour Party and Union of Democratic Control are forces exceedingly sensitive to German influence, and in a decisive moment can be set in motion by the German "comrades."

The hundred and eleven Social Democrats in the Reichstag have no real power in Germany. If they possess any degree of power, then fear for their own skins, prevents them from risking its exercise. Their real opinion concerning Alsace-Lorraine appeared in the same journal four days later. "According to our opinion it would be a crime, if France made the return of these provinces a condition of peace." In the same article an accusation of one-sidedness is made against the Socialists in France for supporting the French Government. After which, it is not surprising that every time the names of the _Genossen_ Macdonald, Snowden, Hardie and Newbold occur in the _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, they are mentioned with awe and reverence.

"Besides Ramsay Macdonald and Philip Snowden, our friend J.T. Walton Newbold has got on the nerves of the English patriots."[86] These gentlemen invariably receive polite mention, but French Socialists are evidently in disfavour--presumably because they know too well the German game.

[Footnote 86: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, July 23rd, 1915.]

The peace programme of the German Socialists has been published. An official declaration of the party which appeared on August 23rd, 1915, gives the following conditions.

"While caring for the national interests and rights of our own people, and at the same time respecting the vital interests of all nations, German Social Democracy strives for a peace which bears the guarantee of permanence, and will bring the European States closer together in matters of justice, culture, and commerce. In this sense we have drawn up the following scheme:

"I. The security of German independence and the entirety of the German Empire, which implies the rejection of all annexation plans on the part of our opponents. That includes the French plan to re-incorporate Alsace-Lorraine with France, no matter in what form that end may be sought.

"II. In order to secure free economic development for the German nation, we demand:

"(_a_) The 'open door,' _i.e._, equal rights for commercial and such-like activities in all colonial territories.

"(_b_) The inclusion of the most-favoured-nation clause in the articles of peace of all the nations now at war.

"(_c_) The furthering of an economic entente by abolis.h.i.+ng tariffs, etc., as far as possible.

"(_d_) The equalization and improvement of the social-political inst.i.tutions according to ideals aimed at by the workmen's international party.

"(_e_) The freedom of the seas is to be guaranteed by an international treaty. To this end the right of capture at sea must be abolished, and all straits and narrows of importance for world commerce, must be internationalized.

"III. In the interests of Germany's security and the free exercise of commercial and economic efforts in South-Eastern Europe, we reject all the warlike aims of the Quadruple Alliance to weaken or disintegrate Austria-Hungary and Turkey.

"IV.--In consideration of the fact that the annexation of territories inhabited by another race transgresses the rights of nations to govern themselves; furthermore because thereby, the unity and strength of Germany would be weakened and her foreign relations seriously and permanently injured, we oppose the plans in that direction cherished by shortsighted conquest-politicians.[87]

[Footnote 87: There are two and a half lines of dots at this point.

Probably the German censor has cut out a sentence.]

"V.--The terrible destruction and sufferings brought upon humanity by this war have won over millions of hearts to the ideal of a world peace, permanently secured by an international court of justice. The attainment of this end must be recognized as the highest moral duty of all those who are appointed to the work of framing a peace. Therefore we demand that an international arbitration court shall be created which shall settle all future difference between the nations."[88]

[Footnote 88: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, August 23rd, 1915.]

This imaginary peace-treaty is what Germans would call a _Zankapfel_ (apple of discord). It may represent the serious opinions of Germany's greatest political party, but the German Government will welcome it because it will give Germany's sympathizers in France, England, Italy and Russia an excellent weapon with which they can attack their respective Governments, and hamper them in protecting their national interests. It will doubtless be an inspiration to the members of the I.L.P. and the U.D.C.[89]

[Footnote 89: Above prophecy written end of August; fulfilled in the _Labour Leader_ October 28th.--Author.]

If the German Government seriously formulated such proposals, the author believes that all Britishers worthy of the name would simply answer: "Fight on!" On this a.s.sumption the proposals deserve no discussion.

Yet the doc.u.ment is interesting as revealing the mind of Social Democratic Germany. These sublime Pharisees are unconscious of Belgium's wrongs and Germany's crimes. The former deserve no compensation and the latter no penalty. Here we are on the bed-rock of their ideas of justice and humanitarianism. Still we are not altogether surprised, because the Democratic newspaper organs have openly defended and justified the atrocities committed by German soldiers, and whenever any particularly d.a.m.ning evidence has been produced their parole has consistently been: "At any rate, now is not the time to discuss it." According to their comprehension the only time for discussion is when Europe is under the German heel. They are willing to discuss--when discussion can no longer injure the Fatherland, when Germany has gained all she wants.

The most remarkable metamorphosis which the German Democrats have undergone, is shown in their changed att.i.tude to England. This country gave a home to Marx and Engels; the former is buried in Highgate cemetery. For many decades the party professed enthusiastic admiration of British inst.i.tutions and our ideals of personal freedom. Their admiration for England was not always convenient to the German Government, and was certainly a thorn in the side of the Kaiser.

In 1898 the party published a "Handbook for Social Democratic Voters,"

which contains lengthy explanations of their entire policy. Therein they justify their opposition to German naval expansion, and while conceding that naval supremacy is vital and indispensable to England, continue: "Boundless plans are veiled beneath the Navy Bill (1897). The hotspurs among the water-patriots dream of a first-cla.s.s navy which might rival, yes, even surpa.s.s the British fleet.

"For the water-patriots the Navy Bill means an instrument to further their unlimited _Weltpolitik_ and schemes of conquest; a weapon with which to realize their mad imaginings of a greater Germany. They desire to employ it as a tool for their absolutist plans and adventurous world enterprises.

"It increases the risk of foreign conflicts. At the same time it brightens the prospects of success of those influential circles which--impelled by an overpowering impulse to deeds, and inspired by a diseased longing for prestige--press on from excitement to excitement, from daring to daring, and from crisis to crisis."

This remarkable prophecy has been verified by history, but with its realization, the party which made it has been converted to the side of their former opponents. To-day the Social Democrats are just as hearty in the desire to see Britain overthrown and British naval supremacy smashed as is the Kaiser's Government.

No impartial thinker dare deny that the British fleet has been the princ.i.p.al factor in preventing Europe's subjugation to German autocracy, and the world to German militarism. Yet the so-called party of freedom prays earnestly that this fleet may be destroyed. This represents the tone of their daily Press, and the change of att.i.tude has been proved to be scientifically correct in various books published by their leaders during the present year. One of these works will be quoted at considerable length, because of its importance in showing what the "pioneers of liberty" wish, may be the end of the "home of liberty." The work bears the t.i.tle, "German Social Democracy and the World War;"[90]